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Ahomisation

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Kareng Ghar made by one of the Ahom Kings situated at Garhgaon

Ahomisation was an assimilation process in the former Ahom kingdom of Assam by which people from different ethnic groups in the region became part of what is now considered the Ahom population.[1] According to Saikia (2004), the process involved the expansion of a state-recognised Ahom status, conferred by the Swargadeo on selected men from varied social and ethnic backgrounds.[2] Saikia also describes what is known as "Ahom" as a composite socio-cultural formation, "an expression of heterogeneous communities coming together" rather than a single homogeneous community.[3]

History

[edit]

Origins and early settlement

[edit]

As per traditional accounts, Sukaphaa (reign 1228–1268 CE), was a Tai prince originally from Mong Mao, who along with about nine thousand soldier-agriculturalists arrived in what is now Assam in 1228.[4] After moving between different places, he finally settled in 1253 at Charaideo in eastern Assam and started forming a state. Upon settling in Assam, Sukaphaa established peaceful relations with the local ethnic groups, especially from the Borahi and the Moran. He later married the daughters of both Badaucha, the Moran chief, and Thakumatha, the Borahi chief, and established cordial relations with them. As he began establishing his domain, he avoided regions that were heavily populated.[5] He also encouraged all his Tai soldiers as well as the members of the Tai elites to marry with the locals, which led to the beginning of the process called Ahomisation.[6]

The Shan-Tai settlers displayed great assimilative capacity. While the Shan invaders called themselves Tai, they came to be referred to as Āsām, Āsam and Acam by the indigenous peoples of the region.[7] The modern Assamese word Āhom by which the Tai people were known was derived from Āsām or Āsam. Socially, they fully identified with the multi-ethnic groups of their occupied territory, and the new name Ahom legitimised and recognised their political supremacy and leadership. The conquest of the Moran and Borahi ethnic groups at the initial stage produced the conquest society. The Tai settlers did not exterminate the vanquished population, but instead took them as partners in peace and development.[8]

Expansion and assimilation

[edit]

The Tai settlers brought with them the superior technique of wet-rice cultivation, and believed that they were divinely ordained to bring the fallow land under the plow. They adopted many stateless shifting cultivators of the region into their fold,[9] though they were also conscious of their numerical inferiority.[10] As a result, the Tai-Ahom polity initially absorbed people from various ethnic groups of the region such as Borahi, Moran and Naga. Later, after subjugating the Chutia kingdom and Dimasa Kingdom, much of the Chutia and the Dimasa-Kachari populace too were absorbed into the Ahom population.[11]

Ahom as a state-conferred status

[edit]

Saikia (2004) distinguishes the broad and heterogeneous subject population of the Ahom kingdom from the more restricted designation "Ahom". She emphasises that Ahom was not simply a fixed ethnic or hereditary category, but a political and administrative status conferred by the Swargadeo upon selected men serving the royal administration.[12] Saikia notes that entry into this status depended on royal appointment and favour rather than descent alone; "birth did not play a role in conferring or guaranteeing the place of an Ahom to an individual."[13] Such status could be acquired through royal service, appointment, incorporation into an official household, marriage or adoption, and could also be lost.[14]

This process also involved intermarriage and the incorporation of local groups. Saikia (2004) notes that initially the male followers of Sukaphaa married Barahi women, producing a group called the Kadami Ahoms, while Morans, Barahis and other groups were designated aniyamar, or "irregular Ahoms".[15] Later, many Morans and Barahis were "upgraded and designated as Ahoms".[16]

During the pre-colonial period of Assam, the Ahoms were not an ethnic community as they are considered now; rather, they were a relatively open status group. Any community coming into the socio-economic fold of the Ahom state could claim the Ahom status with the active consent of the king.[17]

Incorporation into clans and offices

[edit]

Many indigenous people from various ethnic groups were ceremonially adopted into Ahom clans, as recorded in the chronicles known as "Buranji". Thus, the illustrious Ahom family of Miri Sandikai was founded by one Miri (Mising), the adopted son of a Burhagohain.[18] The new converts, if capable, were even elevated to important administrative posts. Thus the second Borphukan became the governor of Lower Assam, who was the son of a Naga of Banferra clan. Queen Phuleswari, who took the regalia to her hand during the reign of king Siva Singha (1714–1744), appointed a Bhutanese youth as her page. Kancheng, the first Barpatra Gohain was born and brought up in a Naga family.[10] Miri-Sandikoi and Moran-Patar were Sandikoi and Patar from the Mising and Moran people communities.[19] Another tradition relates that a Moran who had presented Sukaphaa with brinjals and later fought the Nagas in defence of the Tai-Ahom settlers was rewarded, placed under Kangan Bar Gohain and renamed Lanmakhru, thereby founding the Lanmakhru lineage.[20] Saikia also records that the descendants of a Moran named Khingkhing entered the Burhagohain's faid in the reign of Sukhampha; they were designated Tingkhamiya Hatisarat and "became Aaham".[21] Another Buranji example concerns a Banpha Naga boy adopted by Lahar, a Barahi in the Bar Patra Phukan's khel; after serving as Liksawan Bora, he was made Borphukan by the Swargadeo.[22] Kachari-origin individuals likewise entered the Ahom nobility. Saikia cites the case of Lai Handique, whose Kachari mother had been brought to Lepati Gohain's household; the child and his family were later recognised as Lai Handique and granted a high office.[23] Other families absorbed from Morans include Lanmakhru Chetia, Lekai Chetia, Khimtar Patar, Sitpatar, Chalihar Deka, Phul Barua, Khimtar Khengaru, etc[24]; while those from Nagas include Japarjal Chetia, Luthuri Chetia, Ghura Konwar, Chounapam, Foidia Gohain, Lephera Deka, Moupia Deka, Tangshu Deka[25]. This was true even for the priestly clans: Naga-Bailung, Miri-bailung, Nara-Bailung,[26] Chutia-Chiring[27], Som-Chiring[28] and Bar-Chiring.[29]

Ahom Chutias formed a major sub-division of Ahoms. They were termed as such as they intermarried with the already mixed Ahoms. Most of them have been absorbed into the Ahom fold over time.[30] They held various positions in the Ahom kingdom's administration as seen with Langi Panisiya Borphukan,[31] Rupchandra Borbarua,[32] Kirti Chandra Borbarua, Piksai Chetia Borphukan[33], Piyoli Borphukan, Badanchandra Borphukan, Phrasenmung Borgohain (during Suhungmung's reign)[34], Thumlung Borgohain (during Rudra Singha's reign)[35], Kalibar Buragohain (during Sudingpha's reign)[36], Banrukia Gohain (during Susenpha's reign)[37], Banlungia Gohain (during Rudra Singha's reign)[38] and many more. Even during Sukapha's reign, many Chutia like Som-chiring (Chutia)[39] and Changsai (Chutia)[40] were absorbed into the Ahom fold. Majority of Ahoms of the Chetia clan as well as the Lahon clan originated from the Chutia community.[41] Other important families from Chutias include Halahal Patar, Lachitor Deka, Langir Deka, Bhandari Gohain, Gargaya Tukoria, Bhubul, Kantap, Ghurachowa, Hahpania, Revatigoya[42], Charingia Nowboicha, Sensuwa[43], Hiloidari[44][45], etc; while those from Borahis include Borpani, Changrung, Chawrok, Changmai, Likson, Bez Bharali[46], Borahi Bamun[47], etc. Between the 16th and 18th centuries, members of several of these families held important administrative offices, including those of Phukan, Rajkhowa and Barua. As per Hiteswar Barbarua's book Ahomar Din (1981), of the 46 Borphukans [a], 15 were of Chutia origin (10 Rangachila Duara[b], 2 Piksai[53] and Burha Chetia, 1 Lahon[54], 1 Bakatial Buruk Chutia[55][56], 1 Langi[57]), 4 were of Moran origin (Lanmakhru)[58], and 1 was of Naga origin (Ghura-Konwar[59])[60]; while of the 41 Borboruas, 14 were of Chutia origin (6 Bakatial Buruk Chutia[61][62], 4 Rangachila Duara[c], 3 Lahon[68], 1 Patal[d]), 2 were of Naga origin (Ghura-konwar[71]), and 1 was of Moran origin.[72] In this manner, numerous ethnic groups hailing from both the plains and the hills across the region were assimilated into the 'Ahom' population.

Language and cultural change

[edit]

The modern Ahom people and their culture are a syncretism of the original Tai and their culture[73] and local Tibeto-Burman peoples and their cultures they absorbed in Assam. After the initial contact of the Tai-Ahoms with the local people of the region, the Tai speakers learnt the local language and culture. With better communication and proper running of the Ahom administration, they learnt the local Assamese language. The adoption of Assamese language also changed the language of Chronicle writings, the Buranji(s), where they write their all events. Even though the already mixed group known as 'Ahom' made up a relatively very small portion of the kingdom's population,[11] they still maintained their original Tai-Ahom language alongside Assamese and practised their traditional religion until the 16th century, when the Ahom court completely adopted the local language of the region, the Assamese language.[74]

Hinduisation and Sanskritisation

[edit]

Transition from Ahomisation

[edit]

This process of Ahomisation went on until the mid-16th century, when the mixed Ahom society itself came under direct Hindu influence.[75] In contexts of conquest, subjugated groups normally adopt the language and customs of the conquerors, and this was the root of the Ahomisation process. But in Assam, even after the process of Ahomisation started in the region, the Ahom kings observed that complete political influence in the country was not possible. With the expansion of the territory of the Ahom kingdom and the further inclusion of a diverse population, a reverse process took place. The conquerors had no alternative but to sanction the use of the language and culture of the conquered people at the common level of the totality.[8]

After the subjugation of Chutia territories as in the Chutia Kingdom, the process of Ahomisation gave way to the process of Sanskritisation (Hinduisation). The process of Sanskritisation increased significantly in the 16th and 17th centuries after the expansion of the Ahom kingdom westward, which led to the absorption of many Hindu subjects.[76]

Early Hindu influences at court

[edit]

The first Hindu cultural elements came into the Ahom royal palace during the reign of Sukhaangphaa (1293–1332), when the king of the Kamata Kingdom, offered his daughter to the Ahom king to conclude the battle between the Kamata and Ahom kingdoms.[77] This was the first recorded marriage of an Ahom king with a Hindu princess outside of the kingdom, and this marriage brought some Hindu elements to the Ahom royal palace. After the annexation of the Chutia kingdom, Kachari Kingdom and Baro-Bhuyan territories, the Ahoms assimilated their own culture with them. The Ahom royalty later appointed some Chutias in their offices, intermarried and had relations with them. Thus, cultural assimilation took place which majorly impacted the social structure, belief and practices in Ahom society.

Royal adoption of Hindu forms

[edit]

Gradually, the Ahom royalty accepted the influence of Hinduisation, which led to Hindu religion's entry into the Ahom royal palace during the reign of Sudangphaa, also known as Bamuni Konwar (reign: 1397–1407). Sudangphaa also appointed a Brahmana as an advisor in the Ahom royal court and he was the first Ahom king to adopt the coronation of Singarigharutha. Singarigharutha was the traditional coronation ceremony of an Ahom king. It was believed that even though an Ahom prince became a king, he could not attain the status of a full-fledged monarch until his Singarigharutha ceremony was completely performed. Therefore, each Ahom ruler after their accession to the throne tried to organize the ceremony as soon as possible.

Suhungmung (reign: 1497–1539) was the first Ahom king to adopt the Hindu title Swarga-Narayan, a Sanskrit equivalent of Tai-Ahom's Chao-Pha. After the reign of Suhungmung the Ahom king preferred to use their Hindu names in the official records.[78] The kings who were traditionally known with the title of Chao-Pha were replaced by the title of Swargadeo and since then Ahom kings came to be known as the 'Swargadeo'.

Continuities of Tai-Ahom practice

[edit]

The priestly classes of the Ahom like the Mohan, Deodhai and Bailung, mostly remained outside the purview of mainstream Hinduism and continued to express their unwillingness to come into the fold of the Brahmin Hindus.[citation needed] However the traditions of Tai culture and religion can be found to be preserved by some priestly classes in rituals, marriages and festivals which today reflect the Ahom style of living.

Bibliography

[edit]
  • Boruah, Nirode (2007), Early Assam, Guwahati, Delhi: Spectrum Publications

References

[edit]
  1. ↑ "There, the Ahoms assimilated some of their Naga, Moran and Barahi neighbours and later, also large sections of the Chutiya and Kachari tribes. This Ahomisation process went on until the expanded Ahom society itself began to be Hinduised from the mid-16th century onward." (Guha 1983:12)
  2. ↑ Saikia, Yasmin (2004). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 135. ISBN 9780822333739. From the very beginning until the end of the swargadeo's rule in the nineteenth century, Ahoms were created from the different groups constituting the 'us' community.
  3. ↑ "This unique perception and representation is the crux of what we know and call 'Ahom'. This complex mix cannot be reduced to a single community, nor to one dramatic event. … It was an expression of heterogeneous communities coming together in a process of 'becoming' a socio-cultural entity manifested in a riverine polity."(Saikia 1997:181)
  4. ↑ "Shodhganga : a reservoir of Indian theses @ INFLIBNET" (PDF). Retrieved 16 April 2023.
  5. ↑ Gogoi 1968, p. 264.
  6. ↑ "The Ahom kingdom's establishment, traditionally dated at 1228, was done by a group migrating from the southeast, large numbers of whom were male army members, who would have taken local non-Tai speaking wives." Morey 2014, pp. 51–52
  7. ↑ Neog 1962, p. 1.
  8. 1 2 Buragohain, Romesh (13 February 2013). "The ahomisation process in early mediaeval Assam".
  9. ↑ Guha 1983, pp. 11–12.
  10. 1 2 Baruah 1977, p. 251.
  11. 1 2 "Ahoms were never numerically dominant in the state they built and, at the time of 1872 and 1881 Censuses, they formed hardly one-tenth of the populations relevant to the erstwhile Ahom territory (i.e, by and large, the Brahmaputra Valley without the Goalpara district.)" Guha 1983, p. 9
  12. ↑ Saikia, Yasmin (2004). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 130. ISBN 9780822333739. It was neither an ethnic community nor a family inheritance, but rather an identity marker, something to which many aspired but was achieved only by those whom the reigning swargadeo favored to induct into the clique.
  13. ↑ Saikia, Yasmin (2004). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 136. ISBN 9780822333739. Birth did not play a role in conferring or guaranteeing the place of an Ahom to an individual.
  14. ↑ Saikia, Yasmin (2004). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India. Durham: Duke University Press. pp. 137–138. ISBN 9780822333739. Being Ahom was an acquired status. It was not a birth condition but a situation, a placement within the higher echelons of society that was acquired through services and favors." "Identity … was elastic and temporary.
  15. ↑ Saikia, Yasmin (2004). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 131. ISBN 9780822333739. All of these men, in the course of migration, espoused Barahi women, and a new group called Kadami Ahoms emerged from these unions." "The Moran, Barahis, and many other groups were designated as aniyamar, or irregular Ahoms.
  16. ↑ "In the reign of the later Swargadeos many of the Morans and Barahis were upgraded and designated as Ahoms."(Saikia 1997:184)
  17. ↑ Yasmin Saikia (2004). Fragmented Memories. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-3373-9.
  18. ↑ Saikia, Sayeeda Yasmin (1997). In the Meadows of Gold: Telling Tales of the Swargadeos at the Crossroads of Assam. Guwahati and Delhi: Spectrum Publications. p. 86. ISBN 8185319618. In the reign of Pratap Singha, Bhukula Gohain was re-settled in Dihing. He adopted a Miri boy and named him Miri Handique. Thus his progeny was referred to by this name.
  19. ↑ "For instance the Miri-Sandikoi and Moran Patar were the offices drawn from the Miris and the Morans" Gogoi 2006, p. 9
  20. ↑ "This same Moran fought against the Nagas to defend the Tai-Ahom settlers. He was rewarded for his service and placed under Kangan Bar Gohain and re-named Lanmakhru. He started the lineage known as Lanmakhru." (Saikia 1997:91)
  21. ↑ Saikia, Yasmin (2004). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India. Durham: Duke University Press. pp. 136–137. ISBN 9780822333739. His family joined the Buragohain's faid and they were designated as Tingkhamiya Hatisarat. They became Aaham.
  22. ↑ Saikia, Yasmin (2004). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 137. ISBN 9780822333739. When Lahar Barahi died, his son was appointed as Liksawan Bora [in charge of slaves] ... Swargadeo was pleased with his performance and the Naga boy was made the new Bar Phukan.
  23. ↑ Saikia, Yasmin (2004). Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India. Durham: Duke University Press. p. 134. ISBN 9780822333739. Henceforth, the slave boy and his family were recognized as Lai Handique and given a high office.
  24. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",pp.577-591
  25. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",pp.579-592
  26. ↑ Gogoi 2006, p. 9.
  27. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 587
  28. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 577
  29. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 587
  30. ↑ "Census of India, 1901". Bombay : Govt. Central Press. 23 June 1901 – via Internet Archive.
  31. ↑ "Langi Panisiya, the first Borphukan, was a Chutiya by caste"(Dutta 1985:30)
  32. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, Ahom Buranji, p.32.
  33. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",p.579
  34. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, Ahom Buranji, p.31, "Phrasenmung con tun cham pai luk Tiura"
  35. ↑ "Chao-Thumlung Borgohain of a Tiura(Tai word for Chutia) family.". Archived from the original on 11 June 2020. Retrieved 11 June 2020.
  36. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 314
  37. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, Ahom Buranji, p.29.
  38. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, Ahom Buranji, p.32.,"Thaomung Banlung cham pai luk Tiora"
  39. ↑ (Goswami 1922:23–24)
  40. ↑ (Goswami 1922:26)
  41. ↑ Dutta, Shristidhar (1985). "Dutta, Shristidhar, "The Mataks and their Kingdom", p.30" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 February 2021. Retrieved 15 April 2020.
  42. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",pp.584-594
  43. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",pp.598-600
  44. ↑ Naoboicha Phukanar Buranji, p.55
  45. ↑ Census of India 1891, p. 17
  46. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",pp.586-594
  47. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",p.606
  48. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, "Ahom Buranji, p. 106
  49. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, "Ahom Buranji", p.37, "Burha raja (Chao-pha Su-sheng) made his younger grandson(La-ngi) Borphukan(Phu-kan-lung). In the older times(jim-mu), they were members(man) of a Chutia(Tiu-ra) prisoner(to-ao-pe) family(kan-tun)."
  50. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, "Ahom Buranji", p.36, "Formerly(poi-an mu) during the days (ban) of King Sudangpha(chao-su-dang-pha),.. Then(pu-nai) the king named(chu pin) the family(man ren) Rangachila(ngeu-ding)."
  51. ↑ Goswami, Hemchandra, "Purani Assam Buranji", p.23
  52. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 131
  53. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 579
  54. ↑ (Dutta 1985:30)
  55. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",p. 26,"বাটত আহোঁতে পূৰ্বে চুকাফা দেৱে "গৰীয়া" বোলা পলৰীয়া মানুহ এঘৰ পাই আনিছিল। তাৰে সতি-সন্ততিক পাই এইজনা(চুবিনফা) ৰজাদেৱে 'চইজৰি বটাকৈ' দিলে, নাম থলে "চেঙ্গচাই"; বেজিৰ কামো কৰিবলৈ দিলে। পাছে সেই ঘৰকে পাছলৈ 'বকতিয়াল' বুলিলে।"
  56. ↑ "Rupchandra Barbarua of Bakatial Ahom was the son of a rope maker in the employ of a Musalman. Supatpha, the great, emancipated his father from the servitude of the Musalman. He was of the family of Buruk-Chutia."(Barua 1930:32)
  57. ↑ "Langi Panisiya, the first Borphukan, was a Chutiya by caste."(Dutta 1985:30)
  58. ↑ "This same Moran fought against the Nagas to defend the Tai-Ahom settlers. He was rewarded for his service and placed under Kangan Bar Gohain and re-named Lanmakhru. He started the lineage known as Lanmakhru."(Saikia 1997:91)
  59. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 590
  60. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 532
  61. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din",p. 26,"বাটত আহোঁতে পূৰ্বে চুকাফা দেৱে "গৰীয়া" বোলা পলৰীয়া মানুহ এঘৰ পাই আনিছিল। তাৰে সতি-সন্ততিক পাই এইজনা(চুবিনফা) ৰজাদেৱে 'চইজৰি বটাকৈ' দিলে, নাম থলে "চেঙ্গচাই"; বেজিৰ কামো কৰিবলৈ দিলে। পাছে সেই ঘৰকে পাছলৈ 'বকতিয়াল' বুলিলে।"
  62. ↑ "Rupchandra Barbarua of Bakatial Ahom was the son of a rope maker in the employ of a Musalman. Supatpha, the great, emancipated his father from the servitude of the Musalman. He was of the family of Buruk-Chutia."(Barua 1930:32)
  63. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, "Ahom Buranji", p. 106
  64. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, "Ahom Buranji", p.37, "Burha raja (Chao-pha Su-sheng) made his younger grandson(La-ngi) Borphukan(Phu-kan-lung). In the older times(jim-mu), they were members(man) of a Chutia(Tiu-ra) prisoner(to-ao-pe) family(kan-tun)."
  65. ↑ Barua, Gopal Chandra, "Ahom Buranji", p.36, "Formerly(poi-an mu) during the days (ban) of King Sudangpha(chao-su-dang-pha),.. Then(pu-nai) the king named(chu pin) the family(man ren) Rangachila(ngeu-ding)."
  66. ↑ Goswami, Hemchandra, "Purani Assam Buranji", p.23
  67. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 131
  68. ↑ (Dutta 1985:30)
  69. ↑ (Barua 1939:383)
  70. ↑ (Barua 1939:89)
  71. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 590
  72. ↑ Barbarua, Hiteswar, "Ahomar Din", p. 532
  73. ↑ "Shodhganga : a reservoir of Indian theses @ INFLIBNET" (PDF). Retrieved 16 April 2023.
  74. ↑ "The Ahom language and Ahom script were relegated to the religious sphere, where they were used only by some members of the traditional priestly clans, while Assamese speech and writing took over in day to day life." Terwiel 1996, p. 276
  75. ↑ Guha 1983, p. 12.
  76. ↑ Sharma (2009), p. 357: "Hinduisation, however, struck strong roots in upper Assam mainly after the Ahom royalty embraced Hinduism and offered patronage to it from early 16th century, especially as a result of the expansion of the Ahom territory westward which subsumed many Hindu 'Assamese' speaking subjects most of whom were actually already Hinduized autochthons."
  77. ↑ Boruah 2007.
  78. ↑ Gait 1906.

Notes

[edit]
  1. ↑ 1 Lahon and 1 Bakatial were missing from the list. Langi Panisiya is counted separate from the rest of 10 Rangachila Borphukans.
  2. ↑ Langi Panisiya is known to be the first of the Borphukans of the Rangachila lineage. The Ahom Buranji mentions Langi Panisiya Barphukan as "Rangachila" in 1620[48] and also belonging to the Chutia lineage[49]. The Rangachila lineage originated during the reign of Sudangphaa (r. 1397–1407), when its ancestor was given the name Rangachila.[50] The Purani Assam Buranji, however, mistakenly renders Sudangphaa as Suramphaa (r. 1641–1644)[51], an error subsequently repeated in Ahomar Din.[52]
  3. ↑ Langi Panisiya is known to be the first of the Borphukans of the Rangachila lineage. The Ahom Buranji mentions Langi Panisiya Barphukan as Rangachila in 1620[63] and also belonging to the Chutia lineage[64]. The Rangachila lineage originated during the reign of Sudangphaa (r. 1397–1407), when its ancestor was given the name Rangachila.[65] The Purani Assam Buranji, however, mistakenly renders Sudangphaa as Suramphaa (r. 1641–1644)[66], an error subsequently repeated in Ahomar Din.[67]
  4. ↑ Patal is mentioned as Chutia in Ahom Buranji[69][full citation needed] and Kheremial Kachari in the Assam Buranji (written by Kasinath Tamuli Phukan in the 19th century). Such terminology was, however, not always consistent: the 19th-century Naoboicha Phukanar Buranji, for example, refers to the Chutias as Chutia-Kachari. Chutia settlements are also recorded in the Namrup and Kheram regions,[70][full citation needed] which may explain the differing descriptions.

Sources

[edit]
  • Barua, Golap Chandra (1930). Ahom Buranji: With Parallel English Translation from the Earliest Time to the End of Ahom Rule. Published under the Authority of the Assam Administration.
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