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Hatuqay dialect

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Hatuqway dialect)
Hatuqay Adyghe dialect
Хьатыкъой, Хьатыкъуай
Хьатыкъойыбзэ, Хьатыкъуайыбзэ
"Hatuqay dialect" written in the Cyrillic, the ABX Latin and the now-defunct Perso-Arabic scripts.
Native toCircassia (modern-day Russia)
RegionTurkey
EthnicityCircassians
Northwest Caucasian
Official status
Official language in
Language codes
ISO 639-3

The Hatuqay dialect[a] is a dialect of Adyghe, spoken by the Hatuqay branch of the Circassian people.[1][2] Linguistically, it is classified as one of the Steppe or Kuban river dialects, a subgroup of that also includes the Chemguy, Abzakh and Bzhedug dialects, although it also shares many grammatical and phonological features with the coastal dialect of Shapsug.[1][2] Although a dialect of West Circassian (Adyghe), it is considered the closest among the Western dialects to East Circassian (Kabardian).[3]

Hatuqay was historically spoken in Circassia, in the Hatuqay Principality. As a result of the Circassian genocide, there are no remaining speakers of the Hatuqay dialect in the Caucasus region; thus Hatuqay is spoken only in the diaspora, in Turkey.[2] Consequently, Circassian dialectology studies rarely mention or analyze Hatuqay.[1][4]

Phonology

[edit]

Sounds

[edit]
А а
[]
Б б
[b]
В в
[v]
Г г
[ɣ] or [ɡ]
Гу гу
[ɡʷ]
Гъ гъ
[ʁ]
Гъу гъу
[ʁʷ]
Д д
[d]
Дж дж
[d͡ʒ]
Дз дз
[d͡z]
Дзу дзу
[d͡zʷ]
Е е
[ja/aj]
Ё ё
[jo]
Ж ж
[ʒ]
Жъ жъ
[ʐ]
Жъу жъу
[ʐʷ]
Жь жь
[ʑ]
З з
[z]
И и
[jə/əj]
Й й
[j]
К к
[k]
Кʰ кʰ
[]
Ку ку
[]
Къ къ
[q]
Къʰ къʰ
[]
Къу къу
[]
Кхъ кхъ
[]
Кӏ кӏ
[t͡ʃʼ/kʼ]
Кӏу кӏу
[kʷʼ]
Л л
[ɮ] or [l]
Лъ лъ
[ɬ]
Лӏ лӏ
[ɬʼ]
М м
[m]
Н н
[n]
О о
[aw/wa]
П п
[p]
Пʰ пʰ
[]
Пӏ пӏ
[]
Пӏу пӏу
[pʷʼ]
Р р
[r]
С с
[s]
СӀ сӀ
[]

(Archaic)

Т т
(Т: т:)
[t]
Тʰ тʰ
[]
Тӏ тӏ
[]
Тӏу тӏу
[tʷʼ]
У у
[w/əw]
Ф ф
[f]
Х х
[x]
Хъ хъ
[χ]
Хъу хъу
[χʷ]
Хь хь
[ħ]
Хӏ хӏ
[h]
Ц ц
[t͡s]
Цʰ цʰ
[t͡sʰ]
Цӏ цӏ
[t͡sʼ]
Ч ч
[t͡ʃ]
Чʰ чʰ
[t͡ʃʰ]
ЧI чI
[t͡ʂʼ]
Чъ чъ
[t͡ʂ]
Чъʰ чъʰ
[t͡ʂʰ]
Чъу чъу
[t͡ʃʷ]
Ш ш
[ʃ]
Шʰ шʰ
[ʃʰ]
Шъ шъ
[ʂ]
Шъу шъу
[ʂʷ] or [ɕʷ]
Шӏ шӏ
[ʃʼ]
Шӏу шӏу
[ʃʷʼ]
Щ щ
[ɕ]
Ъ ъ
[ˠ]
Ы ы
[ə]
Ь ь
[ʲ]
Э э
[a]
Ю ю
[ju]
Я я
[jaː]
ӏ
[ʔ]
ӏу
[ʔʷ]

Sound shifts

[edit]

Proto-Circassian is reconstructed as having a four-way laryngeal contrast in its stop series: voiced, voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, and ejective. While most modern Circassian varieties have neutralized the distinction between voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops, the Hatuqay dialect generally maintains the original four-way contrast.[2] Hatuqay occupies a "middle ground" compared to other dialects: while Shapsug and Chemguy preserve a three-way posterior coronal contrast, and Besleney and Turkish Kabardian neutralize them to a single place, Hatuqay possesses two coronal places of articulation posterior to /s/. The specific realization of these two places varies by speaker, manifesting as contrasts such as /ʃ/ vs. /ɕ/, /ʃ/ vs. /ʂ/, or /ɕ/ vs. /ʂ/.[2]

Standart цу ([tsʷ]) becomes чъу ([tɕʷ]) in Hatuqay:

English Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Literary Standard (West)HatuqayLiterary Standard (East)
Shoe цуакъэчъуакъэвакъэ
Ox цучъувы

The Hatuqay dialect displays specific sound shifts compared to the literary standard:[1]

English Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard (West)Literary Standard (East)
Word гущагущыпсалъэ
Where тэдэтыдэдэнэ
Swing хъаерэнхъэренхъыринэ
Small жъий / жъыйжъыйжьей
Young brother
(Used in slang to address a young man)
чынахьыкӏшынахьыкӏ-

Hatuqay is known for vowel insertions in names:[5]

Name Standard Pronunciation Hatuqay Pronunciation
Nasran (A Nart hero) Нэсрэн Нэсырэн
Ibrahim (Abraham) Ибрахьим Ибырахьим

Aspirated consonants

[edit]

The aspirated consonants originally existed in the Proto-Circassian language, which maintained a strict distinction between aspirated and tense variants of voiceless consonants. While these sounds were lost or shifted in most modern dialects, they successfully survived in the Shapsug, Bzhedug, and Hatuqay dialects.

In these dialects, there exists a series of aspirated consonants (/pʰ/ /tʰ/ /ʃʰ/ /t͡sʰ/ /t͡ʃʰ/ /t͡ʂʰ/ /t͡ɕʷʰ/ /kʲʰ/ /kʷʰ/ /qʰ/ /qʷʰ/) that became plain consonants in other dialects:[6][7]

  • Shapsug, Bzhedug & Hatuqay пʰ [] ↔ п [p] in other dialects :
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Shapsug, Bzhedug & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard and Abzakh
sharp пʰапцӏэ [pʰaːpt͡sʼa]папцӏэ [paːpt͡sʼa]папцӏэ [paːpsʼa / paːpt͡sʼa]
arrogant пʰагэ [pʰaːɣa]пагэ [paːɣa]пагэ [paːɣa]
nose пʰэ [pʰa]пэ [pa]пэ [pa]
  • Shapsug, Bzhedug & Hatuqay тʰ [] ↔ т [t] in other dialects :
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Shapsug, Bzhedug & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard and Abzakh
respect пхъатʰэ [pχaːtʰa]пхъатэ [pχaːta]-
to give етʰын [jatʰən]етын [jatən]етын [jatən]
to take штʰэн [ʃtʰan]штэн [ʃtan]щтэн [ɕtan]
on тʰет [tʰajt]тет [tajt]тет [tat]
smooth цӏашъутʰэ [t͡sʼaːʂʷtʰa]цӏашъутэ [t͡sʼaːʃʷta]цӏафтэ [t͡sʼaːfta]
to afraid щтʰэн [ɕtʰan]щтэн [ɕtan]щтэн [ɕtan]
pillow шъхьантʰэ [ʂħaːntʰa]шъхьантэ [ʂħaːnta]щхьатэ [ɕħaːta]
  • Shapsug, Bzhedug & Hatuqay цʰ [t͡sʰ] ↔ ц [t͡s] in other dialects :
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Shapsug, Bzhedug & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard and Abzakh
wool цʰы [t͡sʰə]цы [t͡sə]цы [t͡sə]
eyelash нэбзыцʰ [nabzət͡sʰ]нэбзыц [nabzət͡s]-
  • Shapsug, Bzhedug & Hatuqay шʰ [ʃʰ] ↔ щ [ɕ] in other Adyghe dialects :
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Shapsug, Bzhedug & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard and Abzakh
milk шʰэ [ʃʰa]щэ [ɕa]шэ [ʃa]
lame лъашʰэ [ɬaːʃʰa]лъащэ [ɬaːɕa]лъашэ [ɬaːʃa]
salt шʰыгъу [ʃʰəʁʷ]щыгъу [ɕəʁʷ]шыгъу [ʃəʁʷ]
cloud пшʰэ [pʃʰa]пщэ [pɕa]пшэ [pʃa]
pus шʰыны [ʃʰənə]щыны [ɕənə]шын [ʃən]
accordion пшʰынэ [pʃʰəna]пщынэ [pɕəna]пшынэ [pʃəna]
fat пшʰэры [pʃʰarə]пщэры [pɕarə]пшэр [pʃar]
wax шʰэфы [ʃʰafə]шэфы [ʃafə]шэху [ʃaxʷə]
horse шʰы [ʃʰə]шы [ʃə]шы [ʃə]
sand пшʰахъо [pʃʰaːχʷa]пшахъо [pʃaːχʷa]пшахъуэ [pʃaːχʷa]
story пшʰысэ [pʃʰəsa]пшысэ [pʃəsa]пшысэ [pʃəsa]
  • Shapsug кьʰ [kʲʰ] ↔ ч [t͡ʃ] in other dialects (чʰ [t͡ʃʰ] in Bzhedug & Hatuqay) :
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
ShapsugBzhedug & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard and Abzakh
spleen кьʰэ [kʲʰa]чʰэ [t͡ʃʰa]чэ [t͡ʃa]чэ [t͡ʃa]
brushwood
twig
кьʰы [kʲʰə]чʰы [t͡ʃʰə]чы [t͡ʃə]чы [t͡ʃə]
to cough пскьʰэн [pskʲʰan]псчʰэн [pst͡ʃʰan]псчэн [pst͡ʃan]псчэн [pst͡ʃan]
  • Shapsug, Bzhedug & Hatuqay кʰу [kʷʰ] ↔ ку [] in other dialects :
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Shapsug, Bzhedug & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard and Abzakh
middle кʰу [kʷʰə]ку [kʷə]ку [kʷə]
thigh кʰо [kʷʰa]ко [kʷa]куэ [kʷa]
  • Shapsug, Bzhedug & Hatuqay къʰ [] ↔ къ [q] in other Adyghe dialects. Note: In many Shapsug dialects (such as Kfar Kama), this became the fricative хъ [χ], while in Natukhai and Hatuqay it became the affricate кхъ [q͡χ].
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Shapsug & BzhedugOther Shapsug dialects
(like Kfar Kama)
Natukhaj & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard and Abzakh
grave къʰэ [qʰa]хъэ [χa]кхъэ [q͡χa]къэ [qa]кхъэ [q͡χa]
  • Shapsug, Bzhedug & Hatuqay къуʰ [qʷʰ] ↔ къу [] in other Adyghe dialects. Note: In Shapsug dialects, this became хъу [χʷ], while in Natukhai and Hatuqay it became кхъу [q͡χʷ].
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Shapsug & BzhedugOther Shapsug dialects
(like Kfar Kama)
Natukhaj & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard and Abzakh
pig къʰо [qʷʰa]хъо [χʷa]кхъо [q͡χʷa]къо [qʷa]кхъуэ [q͡χʷa]
cheese къʰуае [qʷʰaːja]хъуае [χʷaːja]кхъуае [q͡χʷaːja]къуае [qʷaːja]кхъуей [q͡χʷaj]
ship къʰохь [qʷʰaħ]хъохь [χʷaħ]-къухьэ [qʷəħa]кхъухь [q͡χʷəħ]
to fart къэкъʰун [qaqʷʰəʃʷən]къэхъушъун [qʷaχʷəʃʷən]-къэкъушъун [qʷaqʷəʃʷən]къэцыфын [qat͡səfən]
peer къʰужъы [qʷʰəʐə]къужъы [qʷəʐə]-къужъы [qʷəʐə]кхъужьы [q͡χʷəʑə]
  • Shapsug, Bzhedug & Hatuqay чъʰу [t͡ɕʷʰ] ↔ чу [t͡ʃʷ] (spelled цу) in Temirgoy:
Word Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
Shapsug, Bzhedug & HatuqayChemguy & Literary Standard
jungle/bushy area чъʰуны [t͡ɕʷʰənə]цуны [t͡ʃʷənə]фын [fən]

In Proto-Circassian, there was a clear distinction between aspirated and tense variants of voiceless consonants. The tense variants survived in western dialects like Shapsug, Hatuqay, Bzhedug, and Chemguy (Temirgoy). In linguistics literature, these tense consonants are often represented with a colon (e.g., ) to denote gemination/tenseness, and in some Cyrillic orthographies, they are represented with double letters (e.g., пп, тт, цц) or with a colon (e.g., п:, т:, ц:).

In the eastern dialects (Besleney and Kabardian), the tense variants shifted and became voiced.

  • п: / ппb б
  • т: / ттd д
  • t͡sː ц: / ццd͡z дз
  • t͡ɕːʷ цу: / цуцуv в
  • kːʲ кь: / кькьɡʲ гь / d͡ʒ дж
  • kːʷ ку: / кукуɡʷ гу
  • t͡ʃː ч: / ччd͡ʒ дж / ʒ ж
  • t͡ʂː чъ: / чъчъd͡ʐ джъ / ʒ ж
Word Proto-Circassian Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
ShapsugBzhedug, Hatuqay, Chemguy & Literary StandardBesleneyStandard Kabardian
Shift: d
we т:э [tːa]т:э [tːa]т:э [tːa]дэ [da]дэ [da]
leader тхьэмат:э [tħamaːtːa]тхьэмат:э [tħamaːtːa]тхьэмат:э [tħamaːtːa]тхьэмадэ [tħamaːda]тхьэмадэ [tħamaːda]
Shift: t͡sːd͡z
fish пц:эжъые [pt͡sːaʐəja]пц:эжъые [pt͡sːaʐəja]пц:эжъые [pt͡sːaʐəja]бдзэжьей [bd͡zaʑej]бдзэжьей [bd͡zaʑej]
mouse ц:ыгъо [t͡sːəʁʷa]ц:ыгъо [t͡sːəʁʷa]ц:ыгъо [t͡sːəʁʷa]дзыгъуэ [d͡zəʁʷa]дзыгъуэ [d͡zəʁʷa]
Shift: kːʲɡʲ / d͡ʒ
glass апкь: [aːpkːʲ]апкь: [aːpkːʲ]апч: [aːpt͡ʃː]абгь [ʔaːbɡʲ]абдж [ʔaːbd͡ʒ]
chicken кь:эт [kːʲat]кь:эт [kːʲat]ч:эты [t͡ʃːatə]гьэд [ɡʲad]джэд [d͡ʒad]
Shift: t͡ʃːd͡ʒ / ʒ
night ч:эщ [t͡ʃːaɕ]ч:эщы [t͡ʃːaɕə]ч:эщы [t͡ʃːaɕə]джэщ [d͡ʒaɕ]жэщ [ʒaɕ]
village ч:ылэ [t͡ʃːəɮa]ч:ылэ [t͡ʃːəɮa]ч:ылэ [t͡ʃːəɮa]джылэ [d͡ʒəɮa]жылэ [ʒəɮa]
cow ч:эм [t͡ʃːam]ч:эмы [t͡ʃːamə]ч:эмы [t͡ʃːamə]джэм [d͡ʒam]жэм [ʒam]
Shift: t͡ʂːd͡ʐ / ʒ
tree чъ:ыг [t͡ʂːəɣ]чъ:ыгы [t͡ʂːəɣə]чъ:ыгы [t͡ʂːəɣə]джъыг [d͡ʐəɣ]жыг [ʒəɣ]
Shift: kːʷɡʷ
short кӏьак:о [kʲʼaːkːʷa]кӏьак:о [kʲʼaːkːʷa]кӏак:о [t͡ʃʼaːkːʷa]кӏьагуэ [kʲʼaːɡʷa]кӏагуэ [t͡ʃʼaːɡʷa]
wheat к:оц [kːʷat͡s]к:оцы [kːʷat͡sə]к:оцы [kːʷat͡sə]гуэдз [ɡʷad͡z]гуэдз [ɡʷad͡z]

Affrication of Fricatives

[edit]

In the Bzhedugh, Hatuqay and Shapsug dialects, a specific consonant hardening process known as affrication occurs. During this process, softer "sh" sounds (palato-alveolar fricatives) harden into "ch" sounds (affricates) whenever they directly follow the sibilant consonants с [s] or шъу [ʃʷ].

To understand this, it helps to think of a similar unwritten sound change in English involving the letters dr and tr. Even though it isn't spelled this way, drink, drop, and dragon are naturally pronounced with a "j-r" sound instead of a hard "d-r". Similarly, tree, true, and trust are pronounced with a "ch-r" sound instead of a "t-r". In these Adyghe dialects, the combination of these specific consonants naturally hardens in speech in the exact same way.

Importantly, this sound change is not written, but is pronounced. Standard Adyghe spelling keeps the original letters, but speakers of these dialects will automatically pronounce the hardened versions.

Specifically, the following base letter changes take place:

  • ш and щ harden into ч.
  • шъ hardens into чъ.
  • шӏ hardens into чӏ.
  • шъу hardens into чъу.
  • шӏу hardens into чӏу.

Pronunciation Rules In grammar, this process is almost exclusively triggered when attaching the first-person singular prefix с- (I/me) or the second-person plural prefix шъу- (you all) to a word.

Here are all the possible combinations where this sound change occurs:

Affrication Combinations
TriggerBase ConsonantCyrillic ChangeIPA Transformation
с- (I) шсш → сч[sʃ][st͡ʃ]
щсщ → сч[sɕ][st͡ʃ]
шъсшъ → счъ[sʂ][st͡ʂ]
шӏсшӏ → счӏ[sʃʼ][sʈ͡ʂʼ]
шъусшъу → счъу[sʃʷ][st͡ʂʷ]
шӏусшӏу → счӏу[sʃʷʼ][sʈ͡ʂʷʼ]
шъу- (You pl.) шшъуш → шъуч[ʃʷʃ][ʃʷt͡ʃ]
щшъущ → шъуч[ʃʷɕ][ʃʷt͡ʃ]
шъшъушъ → шъучъ[ʃʷʂ][ʃʷt͡ʂ]
шӏшъушӏ → шъучӏ[ʃʷʃʼ][ʃʷʈ͡ʂʼ]
шъушъушъу → шъучъу[ʃʷʃʷ][ʃʷt͡ʂʷ]
шӏушъушӏу → шъучӏу[ʃʷʃʷʼ][ʃʷʈ͡ʂʷʼ]

When the change occurs The change only happens when the triggering prefix directly touches the affected consonant.

ExampleExplanation
сшӏагъ → счӏагъThe sound changes because the prefix с- comes directly before шӏ.
сшӏэрэп → счӏэрэпThe sound changes because the prefix с- comes directly before шӏ.
шъушӏагъ → шъучӏагъThe sound changes because the prefix шъу- comes directly before шӏ.

When the change does NOT occur If there is a vowel in between the letters, or if a different consonant prefix is used, the sound does not harden.

ExampleExplanation
сэшӏэNo change. There is a vowel (э) separating the с and шӏ, preventing the sounds from interacting.
пшӏагъNo change. The prefix is п-, which does not trigger the hardening.
ушӏагъNo change. The prefix is у-, which does not trigger the hardening.
тшӏагъNo change. The prefix is т-, which does not trigger the hardening.

Comprehensive Examples Below are extensive examples comparing the standard orthography with the spoken affrication in the Bzhedugh, Hatuqay and Shapsug dialects, demonstrating both the 1st Person Singular (с-) and 2nd Person Plural (шъу-) grammatical forms.

Examples of Affrication by Dialect
Meaning Pronoun Letter Change Standard Adyghe
(Base Form)
Bzhedugh, Hatuqay & Shapsug
(Affricated Pronunciation)
I sealed it I сшъ → счъ сшъыбыгъ → счъыбыгъ
You (pl.) sealed it You (pl.) шъушъ → шъучъ шъушъыбыгъ → шъучъыбыгъ
I took (him/her to)
I brought (him/her here; married)
I сщ → сч сщагъ
къэсщагъ
→ счагъ
къэсчагъ
You (pl.) took (him/her to)
You (pl.) brought (him/her here)
You (pl.) шъущ → шъуч шъущагъ
къэшъущагъ
→ шъучагъ
къэшъучагъ
I bought
I bought (dir.)
I сщ → сч сщэфыгъ
къэсщэфыгъ
→ счэфыгъ
къэсчэфыгъ
You (pl.) bought
You (pl.) bought (dir.)
You (pl.) шъущ → шъуч шъущэфыгъ
къэшъущэфыгъ
→ шъучэфыгъ
къэшъучэфыгъ
I forgot
I forgot (dir.)
I сщ → сч сщыгъупшыгъ
къэсщыгъупшыгъ
→ счыгъупшыгъ
къэсчыгъупшыгъ
You (pl.) forgot
You (pl.) forgot (dir.)
You (pl.) шъущ → шъуч шъущыгъупшыгъ
къэшъущыгъупшыгъ
→ шъучыгъупшыгъ
къэшъучыгъупшыгъ
I don't know
I don't know (dir.)
I сшӏ → счӏ сшӏэрэп
къэсшӏэрэп
→ счӏэрэп
къэсчӏэрэп
You (pl.) don't know
You (pl.) don't know (dir.)
You (pl.) шъушӏ → шъучӏ шъушӏэрэп
къэшъушӏэрэп
→ шъучӏэрэп
къэшъучӏэрэп
I knew
I knew (dir.)
I сшӏ → счӏ сшӏагъ
къэсшӏагъ
→ счӏагъ
къэсчӏагъ
You (pl.) knew
You (pl.) knew (dir.)
You (pl.) шъушӏ → шъучӏ шъушӏагъ
къэшъушӏагъ
→ шъучӏагъ
къэшъучӏагъ
I thought
I thought (dir.)
I сшӏ → счӏ сшӏошӏыгъ
къэсшӏошӏыгъ
→ счӏошӏыгъ
къэсчӏошӏыгъ
You (pl.) thought
You (pl.) thought (dir.)
You (pl.) шъушӏ → шъучӏ шъушӏошӏыгъ
къэшъушӏошӏыгъ
→ шъучӏошӏыгъ
къэшъучӏошӏыгъ
It fits me
It fits me (dir.)
I сщ → сч сщэфэ
къэсщэфэ
→ счэфэ
къэсчэфэ
It fits you (pl.)
It fits you (pl.) (dir.)
You (pl.) шъущ → шъуч шъущэфэ
къэшъущэфэ
→ шъучэфэ
къэшъучэфэ
I laughed at him/her I сщ → сч сщыгушӏукӏыгъ → счыгушӏукӏыгъ
You (pl.) laughed at him/her You (pl.) шъущ → шъуч шъущыгушӏукӏыгъ → шъучыгушӏукӏыгъ

Grammar

[edit]

Instrumental case

[edit]

The Hatuqay dialect exhibits distinct phonetic shifts when compared to the West Circassian literary standard (based largely on the Chemguy dialect). In the instrumental case the noun has the suffix -джэ (unlike other dialects that has the suffix -кӏэ):[1][8]

English Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard (West)ShapsugLiterary Standard (East)Besleney
In Circassian АдыгабзэджэАдыгабзэкIэАдыгабзэгьэАдыгэбзэкIэАдыгэбзэгьэ
With the book тхылъымджэтхылъымкIэтхылъымгьэтхылъымкIэтхылъымгьэ
With feet лъакъомджэлъакъомкIэлъакъомгьэлъакъуэмкӀэлъакъуэмгьэ
According to me сэрыджэсэрыкIэсэрыгьэсэркӀэсэргьэ

Future tense

[edit]

A primary morphological distinction of Hatuqay is the future tense suffix. While the West Literary and Abzakh dialects use the suffix -щт, the Hatuqay dialect uses -т. This feature is shared with the Bzhedug dialect and some subgroups of Shapsug:[1][8][9]

English Adyghe (West Circassian)
Hatuqay & BzhedugShapsug (Variant)Literary Standard
I will go сыкӏотсыкӏотсыкIощт 
You will go укӏотукӏотукIощт 
He/She will go кIотрэкӏоткIощт 
We will go тыкӏоттыкӏоттыкIощт 
You (pl.) will go шъукӏотшъукӏотшъукIощт 
They will go кIотыхрэкӏотыхкIощтых 

Interrogative words

[edit]

The word "what" in Standard Adyghe is сыд while in Hatuqay it is шъыд and from it derives different terms.

Word Adyghe (West Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard
what шъыдсыд
why шъыдасыда
why дасыда
why
"for what"
шъыд паесыд пае
when шъыдигъосыдигъо
so шъыдэусыдэу
with what шъыдджэсыдкӏэ
how шъыдэущтэусыдэущтэу
how much шъыд фэдизсыд фэдиз
always шъыдигъуисыдигъуи

Hatuqay has other words for "what":

  • шъыд
  • дыра

Third-person plural possessive prefix

[edit]

In the West Literary standard, the third-person plural possessive prefix is а-. However, the Hatuqay dialect uses я-, a feature it shares with the Shapsug dialect and the Kabardian (East Circassian) language:[1]

English Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary StandardLiterary Standard
The strongest of them янахь лъэшыранахь лъэшыря нэхъ лъэщыр
The most beautiful of them янахь дахэранахь дахэря нэхъ дахэр

Preverbs

[edit]

The preverb къы- functions freely across all dialects, sub-dialects, and the Adyghe literary language: къы-одэӏу —- "he/she listens to you." However, in standart Adyghe, when this preverb meets a personal marker, the vowel component of the preverb къы- drops out (elision) in rapid speech. However, in the Hatuqay dialect, the vowel is typically retained. For example:[9]

English Adyghe (West Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard
He/She looked at you къы-о-плъыгъкъ-о-плъыгъ
He/She is waiting for you къы-у-а-жэкъ-о-жэ

In several instances, dialects and sub-dialects present different phonetic variants of the same preverbs:[9]

English Adyghe (West Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard
To step on someone/something джъэхэ-хьанжэхэ-хьан
To look at someone/something джъэхэ-плъэнжэхэ-плъэн

Presumptive and Obligatory Moods

[edit]

In the standart dialect, both presumptive mood expressing probability ("likely," "probably") and the obligatory mood expressing necessity ("must," "necessary") are the same. However, in Hatuqay, they are distinguished:[9]

Form Adyghe (West Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard
Presumptive
(Probability)
кIуагъэн фае
"Probably went"
кIогъэн фае
"Probably went"
фэгъэсагъэн фае
"Probably accustomed"
жъогъэн фае
"Probably plowed"
Obligatory
(Necessity)
кIогъэн (кIуэгъэн) фае
"Must go"
кIогъэн фае
"Must go"
фэгъэсэгъэн фае
"Necessary to accustom"
жъогъэн фае
"Need to plow"

The morphological formants of the Hatuqay dialect largely coincide with those of the Bzhedug dialect. This is particularly evident in preverbs like къа-, фа-, and ха-, which utilize a different vowel sound than their Chemguy counterparts:[9]

English Adyghe (West Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard
Comes here къа-кIокъэ-кIо
Goes there фа-кIофэ-кIо

A specific phonetic difference observed in Hatuqay is the inversion of the vowels ы and э in reflexive and spatial preverbs:[9]

English Adyghe (West Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard
To tie something to oneself зыхэ-шIэнзэхэ-шIэн
To feel / To sense something зэхэ-шIэнзыхэ-шIэн

Present participles

[edit]

In standard Adyghe, present participles (often functioning equivalently to gerunds) decline using standard nominal case suffixes. However, the Shapsug, Bzhedugh, and Hatuqay dialects feature a distinct phonological elision in the absolutive case, where the final absolutive suffix (-r) is not pronounced.[8][9]

Consequently, absolutive present participles in these dialects end simply in -рэ instead of the standard -рэр. For example, the standard Adyghe phrase кӏалэу кӏорэр ("the boy who is going") is realized in these dialects as кӏалэу кӏорэ.

Present Participle Declension (e.g., кӏон - "to go")
Case Standard Adyghe Shapsug, Bzhedugh & Hatuqay
Absolutive кӏорэр кӏорэ
Ergative / Oblique кӏорэм кӏорэм
Instrumental кӏорэмкӏэ кӏорэмкӏэ

Demonstratives

[edit]

Adyghe has three main demonstratives to indicate spatial proximity and visibility, which frequently act as determiners or prefixes attached to nouns, verbs, or adverbs:

  • а- – That (invisible or out of the speaker's line of sight)
  • мо- – That (visible to the speaker)
  • мы- – This (close proximity to the speaker)

In the Shapsug, Bzhedugh, and Hatuqay dialects, the standard visible demonstrative мо- is replaced by a different prefix. Additionally, these dialects use a different locative suffix ( or -уджэ) compared to the standard Adyghe -кӏэ.

  • Shapsug: The visible demonstrative prefix is pronounced as a labial glide [w]. In Cyrillic, this is represented by a vowel shift (e.g., forming оу).
  • Bzhedugh & Hatuqay: The visible demonstrative shifted and is pronounced as a glottal fricative [h]. Because the standard Adyghe Cyrillic alphabet lacks an official letter for this specific "h" sound, the digraph хӏ (using the Cyrillic palochka) is used in the orthography to replace the standard мо-.

The following table illustrates the general locative forms derived from these demonstratives. Note that the locative suffix remains consistent across the dialects; only the visible demonstrative prefix changes:

Word Shapsug Bzhedugh & Hatuqay Standard Adyghe
IPACyrillicIPACyrillicIPACyrillic
here məw, məwd͡ʒaмыу, мыуджэməw, məwd͡ʒaмыу, мыуджэmət͡ʃʼaмыкӏэ
there (visible) waw, wawd͡ʒaоу, оуджэhow, howd͡ʒaхӏоу, хӏоуджэmot͡ʃʼaмокӏэ
there (invisible) aːw, aːwd͡ʒaау, ауджэaːw, aːwd͡ʒaау, ауджэaːt͡ʃʼaакӏэ
there (emphasis) d͡ʒaw, d͡ʒawd͡ʒaджэу, джэуджэd͡ʒaw, d͡ʒawd͡ʒaджэу, джэуджэd͡ʒət͡ʃʼaджэкӏэ
where taw, tawd͡ʒaтэу, тэуджэtaw, tawd͡ʒaтэу, тэуджэtət͡ʃʼaтэкӏэ

Usage with Nouns

[edit]

When modifying nouns, these demonstratives precede the noun to indicate its spatial relationship and visibility to the speaker. For example, using the noun кӏалэ (boy) in Bzhedugh and Hatuqay:

  • а кӏалэ – that boy (invisible or out of sight)
  • хӏо кӏалэ – that boy (visible); that boy over there
  • мы кӏалэ – this boy

Usage as Prefixes

[edit]

To demonstrate how this visible demonstrative functions as a bound prefix, the base хӏо- attaches directly to various roots and suffixes in Bzhedugh and Hatuqay to form demonstrative pronouns, adverbs of time, and manner (acting as the direct equivalent to the standard мо-):

  • хӏодэ – there
  • хӏоры – that's it; there he is
  • хӏоу – there
  • хӏоущтэу – like that
  • хӏощгъум – then

The following table illustrates these derivations across dialects:

Meaning Bzhedugh & Hatuqay Standard Adyghe Standard Kabardian
CyrillicIPACyrillicIPACyrillicIPA
that (abs.) хӏорhawrморmawrморmawr
that (erg.) хӏойhawjмощmawɕмобыmawbə
using that хӏощджэhawɕd͡ʒaмощкӏэmawɕt͡ʃʼa--
like that хӏоущтэуhawɕtawмоущтэуmawɕtawмопхуэдэуmawpxʷadaw
that is it хӏорыhawrəморыmawrəморашmawraːɕ
there хӏодэhawdaмодэmawdaмодэmawda
there (locative) хӏоуhawмоуmaw--
the other хӏодрэhawdraмодрэmawdraмодрэmawdra
then хӏощгъумhawɕʁʷəmмощгъумmawɕʁʷəm--
like that (similar) хӏощфэдhawɕfadмощфэдmawɕfadмопхуэдmawpxʷad
Sentence Comparison
[edit]

The practical application of the хӏо vs. мо distinction can be seen in conversational contexts. Notice how Hatuqay also utilizes the vocabulary word гущаӏэ instead of the standard гущыӏэ for "speak", and the suffix -джэ where standard Adyghe uses -кӏэ. In addition, the native Къэфкъас is used instead of the Russianized spelling Кавказ used in the Caucasus.

English Translation Hatuqay Adyghe Standard Adyghe
Did you hear how that boy speaks? The one standing there, that is the dialect I referred to. We don't talk like that; the way that person is speaking is like how they speak in the Caucasus. хӏо кӏалэр зэрэгущаӏэрэр оӏугъа? хӏодэ ӏутыр, хӏоры диалектэу зыфэсӏуагъагъэр. Тэ хӏоущтэу тыгущаӏэрэп, хӏор зэрэгущаӏэрэр къэфкъасымджэ зэрэгущаӏэхэрэмэ афэд. мо кӏалэр зэрэгущыӏэрэр оӏугъа? модэ ӏутыр, моры диалектэу зыфэсӏуагъагъэр. Тэ мощтэу тыгущыӏэрэп, мор зэрэгущыӏэрэр кавказымкӏэ зэрэгущыӏэхэрэмэ афэд.

Location

[edit]

Adyghe demonstratives mark three degrees of deixis: proximal мы- ("this; here"), medial мо- ("that; there", in view), and distal а- ("that; there", out of view). Standard Adyghe derives adverbs of place from these roots with two series, named here by their distal forms акӏэ and адэ — e.g. proximal мыкӏэ~мыдэ "here", medial мокӏэ~модэ "(over) there", distal акӏэ~адэ "yonder".

Many dialects, among them Shapsug, Bzhedugh and part of Abzakh, lack the акӏэ series altogether; in its place they use four series — адэ, а тӏэкӏум (with the postposition тӏэкӏу(м) "a bit, a spot"), ау and аукӏэ. Two regular correspondences distinguish these western dialects. In the аукӏэ series the final element — Standard -кӏэ /-t͡ʃʼa/ — surfaces as -гьэ /-ɡʲa/ in Shapsug (аугьэ)[10] and as -джэ /-d͡ʒa/ in Bzhedugh (ауджэ). Second, the medial root мо- is reduced to о- /wa-/ in both Shapsug and Bzhedugh (модэ, моуодэ, оу). Bzhedugh and the Hatuqay subdialect behave identically and are shown together.

Meaning Series Variety
Standard AdygheShapsugBzhedugh / HatuqayAbzakh (some)
here
(мы-/мэ-)
акӏэмыкӏэ
/mət͡ʃʼa/
адэмыдэ
/məda/
мыдэ
/məda/
мыдэ
/məda/
мыдэ
/məda/
а тӏэкӏуммы тӏэкӏум
/mə tʼakʷʼəm/
мы тӏэкӏум
/mə tʼakʷʼəm/
мы тӏэкӏум
/mə tʼakʷʼəm/
аумэу
/maw/
мэу
/maw/
мэу
/maw/
аукӏэмэугьэ
/mawɡʲa/
мэуджэ
/mawd͡ʒa/
мэукӏэ
/mawt͡ʃʼa/
there, visible
(мо-/о-)
акӏэмокӏэ
/mot͡ʃʼa/
адэмодэ
/moda/
одэ
/wada/
одэ
/wada/
модэ
/moda/
а тӏэкӏумо тӏэкӏум
/wa tʼakʷʼəm/
о тӏэкӏум
/wa tʼakʷʼəm/
мо тӏэкӏум
/mo tʼakʷʼəm/
ауоу
/waw/
оу
/waw/
моу
/mow/
аукӏэоугьэ
/wawɡʲa/
оуджэ
/wawd͡ʒa/
моукӏэ
/mowt͡ʃʼa/
there, out of sight
(а-)
акӏэакӏэ
/aːt͡ʃʼa/
адэадэ
/aːda/
адэ
/aːda/
адэ
/aːda/
адэ
/aːda/
а тӏэкӏума тӏэкӏум
/aː tʼakʷʼəm/
а тӏэкӏум
/aː tʼakʷʼəm/
а тӏэкӏум
/aː tʼakʷʼəm/
ауау
/aːw/
ау
/aːw/
ау
/aːw/
аукӏэаугьэ
/aːwɡʲa/
ауджэ
/aːwd͡ʒa/
аукӏэ
/aːwt͡ʃʼa/

The interrogative тэ- "where" and the emphatic demonstrative (Standard джэ-, Shapsug гьэ-) take the same series: Standard тэкӏэ and джэкӏэ correspond to Shapsug тэу~тэугьэ and гьэу~гьэугьэ.[10]

Vocabulary

[edit]

The Hatuqay dialect shares a lot of its vocabulary with Bzhedug and Chemguy, and also employs some unique words:

Vocabulary Comparison
English Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard (West)Literary Standard (East)
To fall ебэджынефэхынехуэхын
Mat пIуаблэарджанарджэн
Wide шъуабгъошъуамбгъофабгъуэ
What шъыд / дырасыдсыт
Why дасыдасыт щхьэкӀэ
Ball IэгуаупIырагутоп
Princess гощэгуащэгуащэ
Tea псыплъыжь
"red water"
щайшей
Coffee псышӏуцӏэ
"black water"
кофе / къэхьыокофе / къэхьэуэ
Potato къантIуфкартофкӏэртӏоф
Money нэгъэцӏыу
"eye-shiner"
ахъщахъшэ
Grandmother нэожънэнэжънанэ

Despite being a Western dialect, it also shares some vocabulary with Kabardian:

Lexical Parallels
English Adyghe (West Circassian) Kabardian (East Circassian)
HatuqayLiterary Standard (West)Literary Standard (East)
Pig кхъокъокхъуэ
Chair щэнтпхъэнтӏэкӏушэнт
Bread кӏакъухьалыгъущӏакхъуэ
Twin тIолъфэныкъутIуазэтӏолъхуэныкъуэ

Diaspora vs Caucasus differences

[edit]

Since the Hatuqay dialect is not spoken in the Caucasus and spoken mostly in Turkey, the only variant of the Hatuqay dialect is the diaspora variant. Thus, many diaspora Adyghe features are also seen in Hatuqay. For instance, in some cases, where standart Adyghe uses Russian loanwords, Hatuqay (like other diaspora) has native terms instead:

English Adyghe (West Circassian)
Hatuqay - DiasporaLiterary Standard
Car кумашинэ
Ice cream щатэмыл
"ice kaymak"
морожнэ

Due to Russian preassure, Russian loanwords in standart Adyghe are left exactly as is and not adapted to the language in terms of spelling or pronouncation. However, in the diaspora, the pronouncations are adapted to fit the Adyghe language:

English Adyghe (West Circassian)
Hatuqay - DiasporaLiterary Standard
Computer компутер

(From Turkish "kompüter", but adapted to fit the Adyghe language)

компьютер

(Left as is, despite there being no letter such as "пь" in Adyghe)

Potato къантIуф

(Pre-exile loanword from Russian "картоф", but adapted to fit the Adyghe language)

картоф

(Native version erased and replaced by standart Russian term)

Medallion мадалйон

(From Turkish "madalyon", but adapted to fit the Adyghe language)

медальон

(Left as is, despite there being no letter such as "ль" in Adyghe)

Government хьыкумэт

(From Turkish "hükümet", but adapted to fit the Adyghe language)

правительств

(Left as is, despite the word being phonetically incompatible and there being no letter such as "ль" or a suffix such as -ство in Adyghe)

Exam ӏимтыхьэн

(From Turkish "imtihan", but adapted to fit the Adyghe language)

экзамен

(Left as is, with no adaption despite the fact that words rarely start with "э" in Adyghe and must be adapted as "ӏэ".)

Electricity lamp ӏэлэктирик остыгъ

(From Turkish "elektrik", but adapted to fit the Adyghe language)

электрическэ остыгъ

(Left as is, despite there being no suffix such as -ческэ in Adyghe.)

Wagon уагон

(From Turkish "vagon", but adapted to fit the Adyghe language)

вагон

(Left as is, with no adaption despite the fact that words rarely start with "в" in Adyghe.)

In addition to native terms, there are Turkish loanwords that do not exist in literary Adyghe, which are occasionally used alongside native equivalents:

English Adyghe (West Circassian) Turkish
Hatuqay - Diaspora

(Loanword; diaspora only)

Native equivalent

(Also used in diaspora)

Alphabet алфабэтхыпкъылъэalfabe
But ӏамэаоama
Construction иншыхьэтгъэпсыгъэinşaat
Goodbye
("We leave you to God")
АлыхьсмэлэдыкъТхьэм шъукъегъэгъунAllah'a ısmarladık
More дэхьэнахьdaha
Province уилаеткъедзыгъоvilayet
School мэкътэбеджапӏэmektep
State долэткъэралыгъоdevlet
Young man дэлекъаныкӏалэdelikanlı
That is (filler) яни-yani
I swear (filler) уэлахьэ-билахьэ - vallahi billahi

Like other diaspora variants of the Adyghe language, internationalisms in the Hatuqay dialect have been borrowed via Turkish, thus differ slightly from literary Adyghe which borrowed them from Russian:

English Adyghe (West Circassian) Turkish Russian
Hatuqay - DiasporaLiterary Standard
American АмэрикэнАмериканAmerikanАмериканец
Europe АурыпэЕвропэAvrupaЕвропа
Cigarette джыкъарэсигаретэsigaraсигарета
Lawyer аукатадвокатavukatадвокат
Japan ЖапонЯпониеJaponyaЯпония
High school лисэлицейliseлицей
Furniture мобилиемебельmobilyaмебель
Bus отобюсaвтобусotobüsавтобус
Television телевизионтелевизорtelevizyonтелевизор

[1][8][11][9][12][13]

Etymology and classification

[edit]

Classification

[edit]
ProtoCircassian
Proto-East Circassian
ProtoWest Circassian
Kuban river
Black Sea coast
A Circassian dialects family tree.

Circassian languages are divided into two groups: "West Circassian", known in English as "Adyghe", and "East Circassian", known in English as "Kabardian".[14] The two are closely related and mutually intelligible to some degree. Both Adyghe and Kabardian speakers refer to their language as "Adyghe" and consider the eastern and western language variants to be dialects of one Circassian Adyghe language, rather than two related languages.[15]

Hatuqay is classified as a dialect of West Circassian, or Adyghe.[16][17] Within the western group, Hatuqay is classified as one of the "Steppe dialects", a subgroup of that also includes the Chemguy, Abzakh and Bzhedug dialects,[1] although it also shares many grammatical and phonological features with the "Coastal Dialects" of Shapsug and Natukhaj.[1][18] Thus, it can be considered an "in-between" dialect. Although a dialect of Western Circassian (Adyghe), it is considered the closest among the Western dialects to East Circassian.[3] This may be a diaspora phenomenon that came to be due to frequent interaction with Kabardians in Kayseri, Turkey, as Hatuqays are a minority among the majority Kabardians.

Etymology

[edit]
Sphinx gate in Hattusa

The Hatuqay dialect takes its name from the Hatuqay tribe, which is believed to derive from Prince Hatuqo (Adyghe: Хьатыкъо), who, according to traditional Circassian genealogies, was the founder of the Hatuqay Principality, and a prince descended from King Inal.[19][3][20]

The name has been the subject of a folk etymology, which explains it as referring to the Hittites ('Son of Hittite'). A study about Circassians in Kayseri found that local Circassians frequently claimed descent from the Hittites.[21] The etymology of Hattusa, capital of the Hittite Empire, is explained with Circassian хьэтӏу (two dogs) + щхьэ (head), which supposedly refers to the two sphinx statues guarding the gate of Hattusa. Some connected the Circassians with the Hattians rather than Hittites;[22][23][24] and some authors explained the etymology of "Hatuqay" as "Hatti-Son".[25][26] The Adyghe Encyclopedia published in Russia compares Hattian mythology and Nart sagas, including stories found in the Hatuqay Nart corpus.[26] The Hittites spoke an Indo-European language, however the possibility of Hattians speaking a Northwest Caucasian language related to Circassian has been considered by linguists, although this is unconfirmed.[27][28][29][30]

History and distribution

[edit]
In the village of Khatukay in the Republic of Adygea, located in historical Hatuqay territory, Circassians are a minority and speak the standart Chemguy dialect.

Historically, the Hatuqay dialect was spoken in the Hatuqay Principality, which was originally located near the Black Sea coast, as well as the southern banks of the Kuban, a little further down from where the Afips (Афыпс) river flows.[3][19] However, in the late 18th century, Hatuqay Principality was relocated west of the Chemguys, in the territory situated between the Belaya (Шъхьагуащэ) and Pshish (Пщыщ) rivers.[3][1][19] The Hatuqay dialect is one of the dialects which play a pivotal role in the preservation of the Nart sagas.[31] Many Nart sagas have been recorded in variants of the Hatuqay dialect.[32] The Hatuqay dialect was recorded by Ottoman traveller Evliya Çelebi in the 17th century, who visited the Hatuqay region:[33]

This Circassian language, even now, cannot be written down; it is a language based on listening, produced from the throat, cheeks, and under the tongue, a sound that is like a sparrow's chirp and cannot be committed to paper. This humble servant of God, a traveler of the world and companion to man, the unpretentious Evliya, has traveled for 51 years, setting foot in 18 kingdoms across seven climes, and has written down 147 languages with my gem-scattering pen, including their eloquence, rhetoric, and poems, in order to converse with the people of every region. But I could not write down this Circassian language with its magpie-like sound. By the will of God, we will try to write this language as best as we can. They have a peculiar dialect, for they are not literate. That is why it cannot be committed to paper; it is a bird's language, and that is that.

Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatname

Following the Circassian genocide and exile, the Hatuqay population was dispersed, the tribe effectively disappeared from the map.[34] Currently, there are no remaining speakers of the Hatuqay dialect in the Caucasus region. Almost the entire Hatuqay tribe was exiled;[21] the few Hatuqay remaining in the Caucasus have assimilated into the Chemguy dialect.[8] The dialect survives in the diaspora, specifically in Turkey. It is spoken in approximately 20 Circassian villages located in the Pınarbaşı district of the Kayseri province (spesifically around Çörümşek valley),[1][12] as well as in Bozüyük and Biga.[35][21] Consequently, Circassian dialectology studies conducted within the Caucasus rarely mention or analyze Hatuqay.[4] Thus, the collection of data from the diaspora in Turkey is considered essential to filling the gaps in the study of this dialect.[1] Data on the Hatuqay dialect is largely drawn from acoustic analyses of diaspora communities.[2]

Among Circassians in Kayseri, mastery of Kabardian is considered a primary social competency, regardless of an individual's tribe. Consequently, some Hatuqays primarily use Kabardian in their daily interactions. Some Hatuqay Circassians in Kayseri do not know Hatuqay at all and speak Kabardian instead of their native Hatuqay dialect.[13] In Kayseri, there are also some Circassians of Shapsug and Makhosh origin who now identify as Hatuqay.[12]

Sample text

[edit]

Spesific examples to demonstrate changes in the Hatuqay dialect:

Hatuqay Adyghe

(Turkey)

Standard Adyghe

(Republic of Adygea)

English Translation
Тэдэ укъакӏо мы чъуакъэмджэ? Тыдэ укъэкӏо мы цуакъэмкӏэ? Where are you going with these shoes?
Счынахьыкӏэ гущаӏэ къысиӏуагъ:

"Мыслъымэнхэу тэ кхъо лыр тышхырэп. Ар мэкътэбым щызэзгъэшIагъ!"

Сшынахьыкӏэ гущыӏэ къысиӏуагъ:

"Быслъымэнхэу тэ къо лыр тышхырэп. Ар еджапIэм щызэзгъэшIагъ!"

My younger brother told me a word:

"As Muslims, we do not eat the meat of pigs. I learned that at school!"

Нэожъыр псыплъыжь ешъо. Нэнэжъыр щай ешъо. Grandmother drinks tea.
Сэ Iэгуаум лъакъомджэ сеуагъ. Сэ пIырагум лъакъомкIэ сеуагъ. I hit the ball with my foot.
Ар шъыд? Ар нэгъэцIыу! Ар сыд? Ар ахъщ! What is that? That is money!
Аукатыр Аурыпэм отобюсымджэ кIуагъэ. Адвокатыр Европэм автобусымкIэ кIуагъэ. The lawyer went to Europe by bus.
Тэ къуаджэм къантIуф щытышхыт. Тэ къуаджэм картоф щытышхыщт. We will eat potatoes in the village.
Сэ щатэмыл сшхынэу псышIуцIэ сешъонэу сыфае. Сэ морожнэ сшхынэу къэхьыо сешъонэу сыфае. I want to eat ice cream and drink coffee.
Да? Зары сэ сы Адыг! Сыда? Зары сэ сы Адыг! Why? Because I'm Circassian!

Notes

[edit]
  1. Spelled variously as Hatukay, Hatıkuay, Hatkoy, Hatuqway, Hadugoy, Hadgoy, Khatukay, etc; Adyghe: Хьатыкъой(ыбзэ), Хьатыкъуай(ыбзэ)

References

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  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Aydın, Şamil Emre (2015). Çerkes Diyalektleri: Çerkes Diyalektlerinin Karşılaştırmalı Analizi (in Turkish). Adana. ISBN 978-605-65691-1-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Applebaum, Ayla (2013-01-01). "A Comparative Phonetic Study of the Circassian Languages1". Proceedings of the 37th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: Special Session on Languages of the Caucasus (2013), Pp. 3-17 Editors: Chundra Cathcart, Shinae Kang, and Clare S. Sandy.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 Amjad Jaimoukha (April 7, 2015). The Circassians: A Handbook. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1138874602.
  4. 1 2 Topçu, Murat. Çerkes Dillerine Genel Bakış: Kafkasya ve Türkiye (2006)
  5. Colarusso, John (2002-11-10). Nart Sagas from the Caucasus: Myths and Legends from the Circassians, Abazas, Abkhaz, and Ubykhs. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-02647-3.
  6. Thordarson, Fridrik, ed. (July 1986). Studia Caucasologica I (PDF). Norwegian University Press.
  7. Kerasheva, Z. I. (1957). Особенности шапсугского диалекта адыгейского языка [Features of the Shapsug Dialect of the Adyghe Language] (in Russian). Maykop: Адыгейское книжное издательство. pp. 26–27.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 Ситимова, Сарра Саферовна (2004). Бжедугский диалект в адыгейском языковом мире (in Russian). Качество. ISBN 978-5-901701-51-5.
  9. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Саферовна, Ситимова Сара; Нухович, Абрегов Ачердан (2018). "К вопросу о лексике и морфологии хатукайско-адамийского говора адыгейского языка". Вестник Адыгейского Государственного Университета. Серия 2: Филология И Искусствоведение. 2 (217): 103–109. ISSN 2410-3489.
  10. 1 2 Kerasheva, Z. I. (1957). Особенности шапсугского диалекта адыгейского языка [Features of the Shapsug Dialect of the Adyghe Language] (in Russian). Maykop: Adyghe Book Publishing House, p. 61.
  11. Kalkan (Çurmıt), Mustafa (2023). Bir Çerkes halkı: Hatıkuaylar (in Turkish). ISBN 978-975-449-346-7.
  12. 1 2 3 Pashtova, Madina (2021-01-01). "ФОЛЬКЛОР ЧЕРКЕССКОЙ ДИАСПОРЫ: ЛОКАЛИЗАЦИЯ ТРАДИЦИИ, ФУНКЦИОНАЛЬНОСТЬ ТЕКСТОВ". Folklore of the Circassian Diaspora: Localization of Tradition, Functionality of Texts.
  13. 1 2 Abazova, Marita Muchamedovna (2014). Recʹ kabardino-čerkesskoj diaspory v Turcii. Nalʹcǐk: Izdat. Otdel KBIGI RAN. ISBN 978-5-91766-082-0.
  14. Colarusso, John (2014-01-21). The Northwest Caucasian Languages: A Phonological Survey. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-91816-5.
  15. "Kabardian | people | Britannica". Encyclopedia Britannica.
  16. Aydın, Şamil Emre (2015). Çerkes Diyalektleri: Çerkes Diyalektlerinin Karşılaştırmalı Analizi (in Turkish). Adana. ISBN 978-605-65691-1-1.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  17. Miyazawa, Eiji (2004). Memory Politics: Circassians of Uzunyayla, Turkey (Thesis).
  18. Applebaum, Ayla (2013-01-01). "A Comparative Phonetic Study of the Circassian Languages1". Proceedings of the 37th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: Special Session on Languages of the Caucasus (2013), Pp. 3-17 Editors: Chundra Cathcart, Shinae Kang, and Clare S. Sandy.
  19. 1 2 3 Хан-Гирей, Султан (1836). Записки о Черкесии (in Russian).
  20. Б, Ногмов Ш. (2013-03-12). История адыхейского народа (in Russian). ООО ДиректМедиа. ISBN 978-5-4460-0029-6.
  21. 1 2 3 Miyazawa, Eiji (2004). Memory Politics: Circassians of Uzunyayla, Turkey (Thesis).
  22. Yıldız, Hüseyin; Üniversitesi, Ordu. "TAVKUL, Ufuk (2009), Kafkasya'da Kültürel Etkileşim – Sosyo-linguistik Bir Araştırma, Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara, 144 s., ISBN: 978-975-16-2206-8". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  23. Çurey, Ali (2012). Hatti-Hititler ve Çerkesler (in Turkish). Chiviyazıları Yayınevi.
  24. Berkok, İsmail (1958). Tarihte Kafkasya (in Turkish). İstanbul Matbaası.
  25. Kāzemzāde, Hāmed (2018). The Circassian Question: The Formation of Linguistic and Cultural Identity in the Caucasus from the Mind-nineteenth Century to Modern Times (PhD Thesis thesis).
  26. 1 2 Кумахов, Мухадин Абубекирович (2006). Адыгская (черкесская) энциклопедия (in Russian). Фонд Им. Б.Х. Акбашева. ISBN 978-5-9900337-1-9.
  27. Burney, Charles (2004-04-19). Historical Dictionary of the Hittites. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC. ISBN 978-0-8108-6564-8.
  28. Burney 2004, p. 106-107.
  29. Ivanov, Vyacheslav V. (1985). "On the Relationship of Hattic to the Northwest Caucasian languages," in B.B. Piotrovskij, Vyacheslav V. Ivanov, and Vladislav G. Ardzinba (eds.), Anatoliya – Ancient Anatolia, Moscow: Nauka. pp 26–59 (in Russian)
  30. John Colarusso (1997). Peoples of the Caucasus; in Introduction to the Worldmark Encyclopedia of Cultures and Daily Life; Pepper Pike, Ohio: Eastword Publications
  31. Махмудович, Берсиров Батырбий; Хазретовна, Анчек Сурет (2018). "Некоторые диалектные особенности текстов адыгского героического эпоса "Нарты"". Филологические Науки. Вопросы Теории И Практики (6-2 (84)): 316–320. ISSN 1997-2911.
  32. ХьэдэгэлIэ, Аскэр (1968). Нартхэр. Адыгэ эпос (in Adyghe). Maykop: Адыгэ научнэ-исследовательскэ институт.
  33. Evliya Çelebi. Seyahatnâme (PDF) (in Turkish). Archived (PDF) from the original on March 20, 2023. Retrieved March 20, 2023.
  34. Richmond, Walter (2013-04-09). The Circassian Genocide. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-6069-4.
  35. Şıble, Ferhatıko (2022). Batı Çerkesya'nın Türkiye'deki evlatları (in Turkish). APRA. ISBN 978-605-71993-1-7.