Edge Rewrite
Jump to content

Ohuan

This is a good article. Click here for more information.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ohuan
19th Oba of the Kingdom of Benin
Front-facing brass relief of a standing nude youth with a large head, ridged close-fitting cap, deep ringed collar, bracelets and anklets. Fine cross-hatching patterns the torso and legs; the arms hang at the sides, and three raised rosettes remain on the worn, broken plaque.
Edo brass relief plaque from the Kingdom of Benin, depicting a naked youth associated in Benin art with traditions of Ohuan's public procession before his accession, when he was known as Odogbo.
Oba of the Kingdom of Benin
ReignBegan c. 1606–1610
Ended c. 1630–1641
(dates disputed)
PredecessorEhengbuda
SuccessorAhenzae[a]
BornOdogbo
Diedc. 1630–1641
(disputed)
IssueNone
Regnal name
Ohuan
DynastyEweka dynasty
FatherEhengbuda
MotherOhogha

Ohuan (also rendered Ongwa, Ouan and Ohuon; born Odogbo) was the nineteenth Oba ('king') of the Kingdom of Benin. He succeeded his father, Ehengbuda, in the early 17th century. The chronology of his reign is uncertain: proposed dates range from about 1606 to 1640 or 1641, while another chronology places it approximately between 1610 and 1630. His reign occurred during a period in which the Oba ceased personally commanding military expeditions, while senior chiefs, particularly the Iyase[b] or commander-in-chief, gained military and political authority.

Ehengbuda's only son, he was known as Odogbo before taking his regnal name Ohuan. Oral traditions differ in their descriptions of his sex and appearance. Some accounts portray him as an attractive or effeminate young man who was mistaken for a woman; others state that he was born female and became male through medicine. According to one widely recorded tradition, Ehengbuda required Odogbo to walk naked from Uselu to the Benin capital to demonstrate publicly that he was male and therefore eligible to rule. The procession was associated with the origin of the ifieto, ceremonial attendants who still perform at royal processions. Traditions also state that Ohuan's mother, named Ohogha in one account, was not installed as Iyoba ('queen mother') after his accession.

A political event associated with Ohuan's reign was his conflict with Iyase Ogina, a military chief appointed during Ehengbuda's reign. Ogina exercised authority independently of the palace and rebelled shortly after Ohuan's accession. Ohuan temporarily withdrew to the village of Evbohuan, where he assembled supporters before defeating Ogina, recovering control of the capital and exiling him to Okogo. Some traditions subsequently describe Ohuan's government as peaceful and credit him with founding settlements, even though surviving accounts differ sharply in their assessments of his character. Ohuan died without children and left no brother or uncontested direct heir. His death was followed by disputed successions among distant branches of the royal family. Later Benin art, Igue festival practices, shrine traditions and coronation songs drew on accounts of his appearance and public procession, as well as his childlessness.

Sources

[edit]

Historian Jacob Egharevba's A Short History of Benin drew mainly on oral traditions collected in the 1930s, but also used older written records. Later research included Allan Ryder's study of European archives, published as Benin and the Europeans: 1485–1897 (1969), and the field research of anthropologist Robert Bradbury, whose studies were collected in Benin Studies (1973).[2] Anthropologist Paula Ben-Amos and historian John Thornton reassessed Benin's political history in 2001, comparing oral traditions with contemporary European documents.[3]

Background and chronology

[edit]

Historical accounts differ in their dating of Ohuan's reign. In the 1968 edition of A Short History of Benin, Egharevba dated Ohuan's accession to about 1606, described a thirty-three-year reign and placed the accession of his successor Ahenzae in about 1641.[4] Historian Osarhieme Osadolor, in his 2001 thesis, dated Ohuan's reign to approximately 1606–1640.[5] Anthropologist Percy Amaury Talbot's The Peoples of Southern Nigeria, first published in 1926, placed Ohuan's accession at about 1610 and Ahenzae's at about 1630, rendering the latter's name as Ehenzai.[6] Ben-Amos suggested in 1995 that Ohuan might have died as early as 1630.[7][8] In their 2003 history, Peter Roese and Dmitri Bondarenko reported that some of their informants described Ohuan's reign as brief. The authors mentioned that those informants' accounts associated few major events with Ohuan's reign.[8]

Talbot reproduced a 1601 description of the Benin capital, now Benin City. The account described a broad, straight, unpaved road leading to the city. Within and around the city were earthworks, a deep dry ditch, trees, suburbs and regularly arranged houses. Talbot also reported that horses were used in warfare at that time. He regarded surviving walled settlements and evidence of more cultivation as indications that the region had once supported a larger population.[9]

Ben-Amos and Thornton discussed a tradition in which Ehengbuda forbade the execution of the Uwangue, one of Benin's three leading administrative officials. They interpreted this protection as a restriction on royal power.[10] They also discussed a tradition in which Ehengbuda prohibited the Oba from personally leading military expeditions and assigned that responsibility to the Iyase.[b] The authors cited a Dutch report from 1602 that mentioned a military captain, and a German account that described a general leading Benin forces against Lagos. They interpreted these accounts, together with the later rebellion of the Iyase against Ohuan, as evidence that the Oba had lost control over some affairs of state.[12]

Family and accession

[edit]

Ohuan was Ehengbuda's only son and was known as Odogbo before his accession.[13][14] An oral tradition recorded by Roese and Bondarenko names his mother as Ohogha and gives her home village as Ayen or Uyen.[15]

Egharevba wrote that the Iyase Ogina had opposed Ehengbuda and committed adultery with one of Ehengbuda's wives.[16] Roese and Bondarenko recorded a more detailed oral tradition in which Ogina had sex with Ohogha while she had been placed in his care during pregnancy and childbirth. In that version, Ehengbuda did not execute Ogina because of Ogina's popularity and power, but commissioned a brass cast showing Ogina and Ohogha with the infant prince beside them. The tradition further states that this cast was entrusted to the Iwebo palace society[c] and was intended to be shown to Odogbo only after his installation as Oba.[15]

Traditions differ in their descriptions of Odogbo's sex and appearance. Egharevba described him as a young man whose feminine appearance led people to mistake him for a girl.[13] Bradbury distinguished accounts describing Odogbo as effeminate from a tradition in which he was born female and became male through medicine.[20] Anthropologist Armand Duchâteau discussed both versions in a 1994 study of Benin art.[21]

According to Egharevba, Ehengbuda instructed Odogbo to walk naked from Uselu to the Benin capital to demonstrate publicly that he was male.[13] The attendants who accompanied him were also naked and had their hair cut and arranged before setting out. Egharevba wrote that the prince and his attendants were called ifieto ('hair curlers'). He also described later ceremonial attendants bearing that name who danced and sang in front of royal processions.[16] Roese and Bondarenko likewise associated the procession with the establishment of the ifieto title, reporting in 2003 that its holders still participated in ceremonies.[8] After Ehengbuda's death, Odogbo succeeded him as Oba of the Kingdom of Benin and took the regnal name Ohuan.[13]

Duchâteau interpreted the traditions of Odogbo's appearance and public exposure as evidence that Edo society questioned his fitness to rule because of his feminine traits.[21] Ben-Amos and Thornton (2001) and Sweet Ufumwen Ebeigbe (2012) mentioned that women were excluded from the Benin throne.[1][14] Ben-Amos and Thornton interpreted the female-to-male transformation story as a symbolic violation of royal norms.[1]

Mother and the Iyoba title

[edit]

Egharevba described the usual practice as investing an Oba's mother with the title of Iyoba ('queen mother') about three years after his accession and sending her to live at Eguae-Iyoba ('queen mother's court') in Lower Uselu. He stated that Ohuan did not send his mother to Uselu.[22] According to the tradition recorded by Roese and Bondarenko, Ohogha was not installed as Iyoba after Ohuan's accession and instead returned to her home village with valuable gifts. The account attributed her exclusion to her alleged failure to bear a "proper" male heir. Roese and Bondarenko also reported an Ayen custom in which descendants of Ohogha's family received one leg from each slaughtered animal.[15]

Reign

[edit]

Egharevba described Ohuan as an accomplished herbalist and maker of charms, crediting him with wise government, the founding of towns and villages, and the respect of his subjects.[16] Roese and Bondarenko observed that elsewhere Egharevba described Ohuan as hateful, vengeful, and tyrannical, a characterisation at odds with the more favourable account in A Short History of Benin.[23] Egharevba also attributed the creation of the Obahanye title to Ohuan.[24]

Conflict with Iyase Ogina

[edit]

The principal political conflict associated with Ohuan's reign was the uprising led by Iyase Ogina.[16][25] Accounts differ regarding when the rebellion began. Egharevba placed it at Ohuan's accession.[16] Roese and Bondarenko placed it immediately afterwards.[15] Osadolor dated it three years after Ohuan took the throne.[5] Roese and Bondarenko described Ogina as an Iyase appointed by Ohuan's father Ehengbuda and as originating from Okogo, a village near the Benin capital.[15]

Osadolor described Ogina as the first Iyase to serve as commander-in-chief of the Benin army during Ohuan's rule.[26] He stated that Ogina drew support from other chiefs and political groups, accumulated state power, and convened councils at his own palace rather than that of the Oba. Osadolor interpreted the confrontation as a continuation of the conflict between Ehengbuda and the earlier Iyase Ekpennede.[5] Egharevba stated that Ohuan retreated to Evbohuan for several months to assemble sufficient forces before attacking Ogina.[16] Osadolor further explained that during this interval Ohuan used the refuge as a base from which to gather supporters for military action against the Iyase and his faction.[5] Roese and Bondarenko likewise wrote that Ohuan had to leave the capital for Evbohuan, before assembling allies. In the traditions they examined, Ohuan's recovery was attributed to magical power.[15] Ohuan ultimately overcame Ogina, re-established control in the capital, and exiled Ogina to Okogo (also spelled Okogbo).[5][16] Egharevba, as well as Roese and Bondarenko, reported that Ogina later died and was deified.[15][16] Osadolor described the rest of Ohuan's reign as peaceful after the "great struggle", and argued that the confrontation influenced Benin's military history.[5]

Kingship and military authority

[edit]

Osadolor dated the period in which Obas ceased personally leading military campaigns from Ohuan's accession around 1606 until the reign of Akengbuda in 1804. He argued that Benin's administrative and military chiefs gained power as the Oba lost direct command of the army. In his interpretation, the Oba became more secluded within the palace as a ritual figure, while retaining divine authority as the Uku Akpolokpolo ('the mighty that rules'). Osadolor nevertheless stressed that rebellions, conflicts and manipulation by chiefs weakened the monarchy despite constitutional arrangements that formally placed chiefs below the Oba.[27] Osadolor considered power, position and prestige to be the principal incentives behind 17th- and 18th-century conflicts between kings and chiefs.[28] He maintained that after losing direct military command, the Oba's control over title appointments and the creation of palace and town offices became a major political instrument. Osadolor also associated political instability with economic insecurity and treated both as conditions preceding later civil wars in Benin. Osadolor attributed changes in Benin's military organisation during this period primarily to internal political struggles.[29]

Osadolor stated that during the era of warrior kings, the Iyase had served as general commander beside the Oba.[30] Though the Iyase as commander-in-chief was theoretically appointed by and dependent upon the Oba, Osadolor argued that the king in practice lost effective control over the army chief.[26] He interpreted the absence of further Iyase appointments by Obas for the rest of the 17th century as a strategy intended to prevent another powerful rival from emerging.[5] Osadolor linked the aftermath of Ohuan's conflict to the development of non-command military functions for senior members of the Eghaevbo n'Ore ('town chiefs'), including the Esogban, Eson, and Osuma.[31][d] The Esogban, who ranked immediately after the Iyase within the Eghaevbo n'Ore hierarchy, was associated with the Oba's security during wartime and was required to stay with the Oba when the Iyase went to war. Osadolor wrote that the Esogban neither commanded troops nor acted as a front commander, but functioned as the political head of the Benin capital and was responsible for the shrine of Edion Edo, the ancestors of Benin. The Eson, third in the hierarchy, could act for the Iyase when the post was unoccupied, coordinating unit commanders without becoming deputy commander-in-chief. Osadolor regarded the Eson's military role as mainly honorary because the Ezomo, the senior war commander of the metropolitan regiment, increasingly provided the army's practical leadership.[33]

Succession

[edit]

Ohuan died childless, leaving neither a son nor a brother who could serve as an uncontested heir.[16][34] Egharevba wrote that after Ohuan's death the throne rotated among separate branches of the royal family through six reigns. In his account, Ahenzae, a great-grandson of Oba Orhogbua, succeeded Ohuan and was sixteen years old at his coronation. Egharevba described royal treasures being wasted during Ahenzae's youth and royal coral beads being lost in dice games with Osuan.[16] Ben-Amos and Thornton reported a tradition attributing the gambling to Ahenzae himself.[1] Talbot placed Ahenzae's accession at about 1630 and that of his successor Akengbayi at about 1650, identifying Akengbayi as Ahenzae's son or brother.[6] Ben-Amos and Thornton wrote that royal genealogies for the later 17th century differed over the names and succession sequence following Ohuan's death.[1] Historical accounts list rulers whose genealogical relationships were disputed for this era as Ahenzae, Akenzae, Akengboi, Ahenkpaye, Akengbedo, Oreoghene and Ewuakpe.[5] Ben-Amos and Thornton also reported traditions recalling Ahenkpaye's deposition.[1]

Ben-Amos and Thornton argued that Egharevba omitted accounts of royal adultery that might have offended British readers and minimised traditions that could embarrass the Benin royal family. They considered his description of the succession crisis after Ohuan's death as a rotation among royal branches to understate the struggles between rival claimants.[35] They contended that distant relatives of uncertain or undocumented genealogical connection competed for the throne, thereby weakening the monarchy. They also reported traditions in which the core royal line of Oranmiyan, the founder said to have come from Ife, who married an Edo woman and fathered Eweka I, was understood to have ended after Ohuan's death. A version published in 1968 by ethnologist Mechthildis Jungwirth instead held that the royal line came close to extinction during Ohuan's reign but was preserved.[1] In a 1981 communication cited by Ben-Amos and Thornton, chief Ihama of the Ihogbe[e] explained the short reigns of the Obas between Ohuan and Ewuakpe by saying that they lacked divine ordination because they came from distant branches of the royal family.[37] Ben-Amos and Thornton related this account to Edo beliefs that Obas were reincarnations of earlier rulers within a lineage, so candidates from remote branches were regarded as less legitimate within that framework. They treated the tradition as evidence for a 17th-century legitimacy crisis, while acknowledging that it might be a later interpretation of earlier events.[38]

Ben-Amos described the 17th century as an era of dynastic turmoil, in which factions competed for the kingship after Ohuan's death. She wrote that Ewuakpe later reached an agreement with rebellious chiefs and reintroduced direct succession, although the conflict continued into the 18th century. Ben-Amos identified Akenzua I and Eresoyen as later rulers who attempted to suppress rebellious chiefs and restore royal authority and legitimacy. She interpreted artistic forms connected with those Obas as evidence of efforts to renew the monarchy.[7] Roese and Bondarenko reported that Ohuan's death without an heir led to a search for a successor among the Enigie, princes whose ancestors had been sent from the royal line to govern settlements. They further stated that the extinction of Ohuan's direct line was recalled at Oba Eweka II's coronation in 1914, when Ekasa dancers sang that royal succession should not end as it had threatened to do in Ohuan's time.[23]

Oral tradition, art, and commemoration

[edit]

Duchâteau connected images of nude youths in Benin art with oral traditions of Odogbo's later accession as Ohuan. He contrasted the narrative of Ohuan as female-born and altered through medicine with accounts describing him as beautiful and maidenly in his appearance. Duchâteau interpreted the public route from Uselu to the Benin capital as a ritual presentation arranged by Ehengbuda to address doubts about Ohuan's sex.[21] Ebeigbe identified a figural form in Benin art as representing Odogbo before he became Ohuan. She wrote that the nude procession was recalled through Igue festival rituals and Benin art.[14] Ebeigbe stated that Odogbo could appear as a nude male figure to stress masculinity, or as a female figure to refer to uncertainty surrounding Odogbo's true gender.[39]

Roese and Bondarenko described a structure on Ebo Street in present-day Benin City locally called aro Ehengbuda ('Ehengbuda's shrine), where tradition located Ohuan's transformation. They stated that they could not enter because the location continued to be treated locally as a sacred site. Their description included an atrium with an impluvium, an iroko tree identified as Chlorophora excelsa, and an Obokha or Okha tree identified as Ceiba pentandra. They also reported that a priest was said to have overseen the shrine's charms and a sacred python during the early 1970s.[8] One version of the shrine narrative collected by Roese and Bondarenko identified Inin of Udo as the person who prepared the medicines for Ohuan's transformation.[40] In that account, Ohuan stayed inside the building for seven days, then was told to expose their body above an opening and receive an object into it. Reported variants identify the object as a mouse, rat or snake, the last of which the authors associated with the shrine's sacred python.[15] Roese and Bondarenko regarded the question of whether Ohuan was intersex as unresolved.[8]

Ohuan's lack of a direct heir was also incorporated into later ceremony. Roese and Bondarenko reported that an Ekasa song performed at Eweka II's coronation recalled the danger of the royal line ending, with Ohuan's reign serving as the historical precedent.[23] Ben-Amos and Thornton cited a comparable coronation tradition collected by Jungwirth, in which the royal line was said to have approached extinction during Ohuan's time.[1]

European accounts and regional context

[edit]

In Talbot's chronology, an unidentified Benin king sent a son to Jesuit missionaries in Sierra Leone in 1606 for baptism and instruction, while inviting them to Benin.[9] Talbot also reproduced a 1608 report of Baltasar Barreira being received by a Benin king described as lord of seven kingdoms and chief king of the coast. In that report, the king issued an edict ordering unmarried virgins to cover their genitals. He attended a Catholic mass from outside the church and listened to a Portuguese sermon. While he initially appeared favourable to Christianity, he later changed his position under Muslim influence. Talbot stated that Barreira died in 1612. He also wrote that Capuchins from the Province of Britain began travelling toward Guinea in 1634, though it was uncertain whether they reached Benin before the 1648 mission led by Angelo di Valenzia.[6] Talbot reported that Capuchins from Castille were dispatched to Nigritia, probably Benin, in 1659 but later withdrew after failing to establish a mission they believed the king had used to pursue trade with Spain. He further stated that later Capuchin activity in Benin after 1667 ceased when Dutch forces took Portuguese factories.[6]

Roese and Bondarenko considered it possible that the Itsekiri became separate from Benin during Ohuan's reign, if his rule extended to 1641, despite Benin court traditions sharing little detail on the matter. They cited a 1691 letter by Capuchin missionary Padre Francesco de Monteleone that referred to border clashes and a break in ambassadorial exchanges between Benin and the Itsekiri. They also cited David van Nyendael's 1668 description of Warri as an independent kingdom whose ruler treated the Oba of Benin as a neighbour and ally rather than as a superior.[23]

Explanatory notes

[edit]
  1. ↑ Published royal genealogies disagree on the names and order of rulers following Ohuan.[1]
  2. 1 2 The Iyase was usually the commander-in-chief of the Benin warriors, followed by the Ezomo and the Ologbosere and Imaran.[11]
  3. ↑ The Oba's household was organised into three distinct associations, each responsible for particular aspects of palace life.[17] The first, Iwebo, originally managed clothing and regalia for the Oba.[18] Over time, its duties expanded to include oversight of financial and trading matters, under the authority of the Uwangue, a title linked to Ewedo. The second group, Iweguae, consisted of attendants and domestic servants, led by the Esere. The third, Ibiwe, was tasked with serving the Oba's wives and children, and its senior chief, Osodin, is traditionally traced back to Ewedo's time.[19]
  4. ↑ The Osuma, fourth in the town chiefs' hierarchy, coordinated military intelligence and surveillance. He was also responsible for security in the Ogbe quarter, where the Oba and most palace chiefs lived, and reported directly to the Oba and not to the army's commander-in-chief.[32]
  5. ↑ The Ihogbe are the worshippers of the Oba's ancestors and recorders of the departed Obas.[36]

References

[edit]

Citations

[edit]
  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, p. 363.
  2. ↑ Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, p. 354.
  3. ↑ Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, pp. 354–355.
  4. ↑ Egharevba 1968, pp. 33–34.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Osadolor 2001, p. 145.
  6. 1 2 3 4 Talbot 1926, p. 162.
  7. 1 2 Ben-Amos 1995, p. 45.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 Roese & Bondarenko 2003, p. 178.
  9. 1 2 Talbot 1926, p. 160.
  10. ↑ Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, pp. 364–365.
  11. ↑ Egharevba 1968, p. 80.
  12. ↑ Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, p. 365.
  13. 1 2 3 4 Egharevba 1968, p. 33.
  14. 1 2 3 Ebeigbe 2012, p. 253.
  15. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Roese & Bondarenko 2003, p. 179.
  16. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Egharevba 1968, p. 34.
  17. ↑ Ryder 1969, p. 5.
  18. ↑ Ryder 1969, pp. 5–6.
  19. ↑ Ryder 1969, p. 6.
  20. ↑ Bradbury 1973, p. 31.
  21. 1 2 3 Duchâteau 1994, p. 20.
  22. ↑ Egharevba 1968, p. 75.
  23. 1 2 3 4 Roese & Bondarenko 2003, p. 180.
  24. ↑ Egharevba 1968, p. 77.
  25. ↑ Osadolor 2001, pp. 128, 145.
  26. 1 2 Osadolor 2001, pp. 144–145.
  27. ↑ Osadolor 2001, p. 127.
  28. ↑ Osadolor 2001, pp. 127–128.
  29. ↑ Osadolor 2001, p. 128.
  30. ↑ Osadolor 2001, p. 144.
  31. ↑ Osadolor 2001, pp. 145–146.
  32. ↑ Osadolor 2001, p. 147.
  33. ↑ Osadolor 2001, p. 146.
  34. ↑ Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, pp. 357, 363.
  35. ↑ Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, p. 357.
  36. ↑ Egharevba 1968, p. 79.
  37. ↑ Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, pp. 363–364.
  38. ↑ Ben-Amos & Thornton 2001, p. 364.
  39. ↑ Ebeigbe 2012, pp. 253–254.
  40. ↑ Roese & Bondarenko 2003, pp. 178–179.

Works cited

[edit]