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Latest comment: 6 months ago2 comments2 people in discussion
The description of the Secoya /d/ is odd. A preceding vowel is laryngealized, uneless the /d/ has its nasal or flap allophone. But if there is a preceding vowel, it will have its nasal or flap allophone. In the examples of laryngealization, a /d/ only occurs after a glottal stop, so where do we see its effect on the preceding vowel? Indeed, word-medial [d] can only occur after a glottal stop. Am I missing something? — kwami (talk) 00:16, 27 January 2026 (UTC)Reply
@Kwamikagami I don't think you're missing anything, the source seems to be internally inconsistent; it also explicitly says that the tap and nasal allophones do not cause a laryngealization effect, so both can't be true. I would imagine based on the statements that the glottal stop is reduced to laryngealization and is the cause for which medial [d] can occur, rather than the effect of it, but that is speculation and the opposite of the source's claim.
Diverging from speculation, there are some further inconsistencies. The vocabulary (which includes Johnson as one of the authors) published a few years later (1992) seems to imply that intervocalic [ʔ(.)ɾ] (orthographic 'r) sequences can exist, and do frequently, while I had a hard time finding any of the same for [ʔ(.)d] (orthographic 'd) sequences: https://www.sil.org/system/files/reapdata/45/18/22/45182210810967105773484595727635825421/VocabSecoya_32461.pdf
None of those three sources imply the same behavior. I think we need to look at more besides the 1990 report, which seems to be questionably reliable ~ oklopfer (💬) 03:30, 27 January 2026 (UTC)Reply
