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Romanian systematization programme

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Systematization (Romanian: Sistematizarea) was a programme of urban planning and social engineering in the Socialist Republic of Romania from 1974 to 1989. The legal framework for this programme was established as early as 1974, but it only began in earnest in March 1988, after the Romanian authorities renounced most favoured nation status and the American human rights scrutiny which came with it. The declared aim of this programme was to eliminate the differences between urban and rural, by razing half of Romania's 13,000 villages and moving their residents into hundreds of new ‘agro-industrial centres’ by 2000. It was carried out by the Romanian Communist Party under the leadership of Nicolae Ceaușescu, impressed by the ideological mobilization of North Korea under its Juche ideology, with the stated goal of turning Romania into a "multilaterally developed socialist society". It consisted largely of the demolition and reconstruction of existing settlements, in whole or in part, in order to urbanize and modernize the country. Systematization was controversial for the mass demolition of historic centers which became known as Ceaușima. Within a year, on 18 April 1989, the first batch of 23 new agro-industrial towns had been completed. Although cut short by the Romanian Revolution in December 1989, at least three more rural settlements in an advanced state of systematization were ultimately transformed into towns.

Background

[edit]
Rovinari – the only town created under the Systematization Law before the batch of 23 in 1989

Nicolae Ceaușescu's 1988 idea to raze about half of Romania's 13,000 villages and rebuild others into "agro-industrial centers" was not new. It had been written into law in 1974. At that time, about 3,000 villages were scheduled to die out gradually, while 300–400 more were to be transformed into towns. However, industrial construction assumed priority, overshadowing the rural reconstruction and resettlement programme, which was not pursued with any vigour. In the spring of 1988, however, the rural systematization programme reemerged as a top priority on Ceaușescu's agenda.[1] The concept was first developed by Nikita Khrushchev, aiming to raise the standard of rural life by amalgamating villages in order to stop the migration of younger people from rural to urban. However, the project was forgotten while Ceaușescu focused on other projects, such as the Centrul Civic and the Danube–Black Sea Canal, but it was relaunched in March 1988.[2] The 1974 law for urban and rural territorial reorganization provided for the development of the countryside by focusing on the more viable villages while the rest would be gradually starved of investment. However, momentum was lost in the late 1970s, and of the 140 new towns promised by 1985, only one – Rovinari – was completed in 1981. No explanation was ever given, but likely Ceaușescu transferred his attention to the aforementioned projects.[3]

Details of the plan

[edit]

The villages most likely to be phased out were those with minimal prospects for growth. By the year 2000, 85% of communes were to have piped drinking water and 82% modern sewage.[4] According to a statement by the regime, by the year 2000, Romania expected "to eradicate basic differences between villages and cities and to ensure the harmonious development of all sections of the country".[5] Ceauşescu's declared aim - based on an original idea in the Communist Manifesto - was "to wipe out radically the major differences between towns and villages; to bring the living and working conditions of the working people in the countryside closer to those in the towns". He thought that by gathering people together into apartment buildings so that "the community fully dominates and controls the individual", systematization would produce Romania's "new socialist man". Ceaușescu was determined to revolutionize agriculture by increasing the cultivation area, while also stifling individual initiative and increasing centralization. The peasants were to receive derisory compensation for their demolished homes and then be charged rent for their new blocks, in which there was no accommodation for animals.[6]

Romanian historian Dinu Giurescu commented, "The ultimate goal is the proletarianization of our society. The final step in this process is the loss of the individual house.". It was an all-out effort at social engineering: kitchens and bathrooms were communal space in the government-owned and controlled apartments.[7] The number of villages was to be reduced to 5,000–6,000 (grouped in 2,000 communes), implying that 7,000–8,000 would be destroyed. Workers and intellectuals were to be settled in three- to four-storey buildings, with small blocks of four apartments or individual two-storey houses for the farmers. The countryside would be urbanized through 558 new agro-industrial towns. Although aspects of the programme were absolutely necessary (improvement of services, diversification and stabilization of the workforce), it allowed little scope for local consultation and its implementation timespan was far too short (hence compulsory resettlement) with no realistic compensation for the required expropriation.[8]

The last stop: MFN status

[edit]

Between 3 August 1975 and 3 July 1988, Romania was accorded most favoured nation status from the United States.[9][10] In 1988, Ceaușescu renounced Romania's MFN status with the United States, just as the latter was about to suspend it over human rights violations.[11] In July 1987, the United States Congress voted to suspend Romania's MFN status. Although the suspension was meant to last at least 6 months, in order to avoid further humiliation, Ceaușescu renounced his country's MFN status.[12][13] More than 85 oral testimonies and 995 written statements were submitted to support the suspension of Romania's MFN status. On 26 February 1988, in order to save face, Romania announced that it did not need MFN status. The House and Senate votes were rejected as unacceptable "interference in the internal affairs" of Romania. To underline this rejection, the village-bulldozing program was made public in April 1988.[14] Romania's renunciation of MFN status in February 1988 resulted from Ceaușescu's growing irritation with American pressure over Romania's human rights situation, such as Ceaușescu's treatment of his opponents.[15][16] Ceaușescu's renunciation of MFN made its suspension by the United States Congress meaningless.[17] His action showed that he would not submit to pressure from either side, East or West.[18]

Implementation and results

[edit]
Ianca (shown in a postcard) became a town in 1989, as a result of the programme. A model for a small town in geographically flat plain areas.

Romania had traditionally been a largely rural country, with the vast majority of the population living in villages when the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) came to power after World War II. By the early ‘60s, the rural population still amounted for two-thirds of the population.[19]

Ceaușescu felt fed-up by continuous United States Congressional scrutiny of Romania's human rights record, a scrutiny hindering his long-cherished "grand design". Shortly after his gesture on MFN, Ceaușescu announced the most sweeping and ominous plan of his regime, involving the liquidation of up to 8,000 villages.[20] On 3 March 1988, speaking at an official conference, Ceaușescu announced that by the year 2000, 7,000 - 8,000 of Romania's 13,123 villages would be "modernized", as in transformed into 558 "agro-industrial" centres.[21] The Ilfov Agricultural Sector around Bucharest was chosen by Ceaușescu as a showpiece (to be completed by 1992-1993), as a model for emulation by the rest of the country. The first evictions and demolitions took place in August 1988. Only two to three days were given before shops were closed down and bus services were stopped, forcing the inhabitants into the selected villages. Whole communities were moved to blocks in Otopeni and Ghermănești, where as many as ten families had to share one kitchen and the sewage system had not been completed. In other villages, "ugly" concrete civic centre buildings began to emerge in the planned new towns. Around eighteen villages had suffered major demolitions by the end of 1989, while five others were completely razed.[22][23] According to the Wall Street Journal: "In the countryside, smashed hamlets and villages are making way for the same prefabricated housing blocks of Orwellian Bucharest."[24] The systematization programme encountered resistance from both villagers and local authorities. Local revolts against systematization were reported in the villages of Petrova, Monor and Parva. Local officials were threatened, while in other places officials refused to carry out their orders. The director of the Miercurea Ciuc County Savings Bank resigned in protest over pressure to designate his native village of Păuleni-Ciuc as a street of the nearby town of Frumoasa.[25]

In theory, the systematization plan extended to the entire country, though initial work centred on the northeastern region of Moldavia. It also affected such places as Ceaușescu's own native village of Scornicești in Olt County, where the Ceaușescu family home was the only older building left standing. The initial phase of systematization had largely petered out by 1980, at which point only about 10% of new housing was being built in rural areas. Given the lack of budget, in many regions systematization did not constitute an effective plan, good or bad, for development. Instead, it sometimes constituted a barrier against organic regional growth. For example, new buildings had to be at least two storeys high, meaning that low-income peasants could not afford to build houses themselves. Gardenss were restricted to 250 square metres (2,700 square feet) and private agricultural plots were banned within the villages. Despite the perceived impact of such a scheme on subsistence agriculture, after 1981 villages were required to be agriculturally self-sufficient.

In the 1980s, nearby villages surrounding Bucharest were demolished, often in service of large scale projects such as the Danube–Bucharest Canal – projects which were later abandoned by Romania's post-communist government. The systematization programme was terminated on 26 December 1989, the day after the trial and execution of Nicolae and Elena Ceaușescu.[26]

A typical village panel block in 1988
Însurăței
Nehoiu
Stadionul Viitorul (Scornicești)

Towns created under Systematization

[edit]

The program fell behind schedule, with only 24 new towns declared in 1989 out of the 100 expected by 1990.[27] These 24 agro-industrial towns are listed below:[28][29]

The Danube-Black Sea Canal at Basarabi/Murfatlar

Other rural settlements decisively impacted by Systematization which later became towns

[edit]

Bragadiru, Cornetu, Balotești and Otopeni were likewise to become agro-industrial towns.[49] Two hundred dump trucks were required to carry the rubble resulted from the demolition of many private houses in Otopeni, Dimieni and Odăile.[50] In Bragadiru, Măgurele, Otopeni and 30 Decembrie blocks totalling thousands of apartments were built.[51] Otopeni became a town on 28 November 2000.[52] Bragadiru and Măgurele became towns on 29 December 2005.[53][54]

Cities

[edit]
Militari neighbourhood in Bucharest. The population of Bucharest doubled between the beginning of the communist regime and the Romanian Revolution of 1989.
Brașov, Valea cetății
Communist blocks of flats in Mănăștur, Cluj. Unlike in many other cities, the reconstruction schemes in Cluj did not affect the historical old town.

In cities, the systematization programme consisted of demolishing existing buildings (often historic) and constructing new ones in their place. Iași, for instance, underwent major transformations in the 1970s and 1980s.[55] Although tower blocks and other socialist-era buildings are present in all big cities across Romania, the degree to which the historic buildings (old town areas of cities) were affected varied by city. For example, old historical architecture managed to largely escape demolition in some, particularly in cities such as Cluj, where the reconstruction schemes affected primarily the marginal, shoddily built districts surrounding the historical city centre.

Bucharest Civic Centre

[edit]
Unification Square in 1977 during the systematisation. The Unification Hall and the Unirea Shopping Center can be seen here
Civic Centre in Bucharest

The mass demolitions that occurred in the 1980s, under which an overall area of 5.9 square kilometres (2.3 sq mi) of the historic centre of Bucharest was levelled in order to make way for the grandiose Centrul Civic and House of the Republic, became the most extreme manifestation of the systematization policy. Many monuments were demolished including three monasteries, twenty churches, three synagogues, three hospitals, tel theatres, and the Stadionul Republicii, a noted Art Deco sports stadium. This also involved evicting 40,000 people with only a single day's notice and relocating them to new homes.

International reactions

[edit]

Hungary

[edit]
The 27 June 1988 protest rally in Budapest

In Hungary, the program is called "romániai falurombolás" (lit. "Romanian village destruction"). After May 1988, Transylvanian atrocity stories, particularly the flooding of the village of Bezidu Nou (Hungarian: Bözödújfalu), abounded in the Hungarian press. The Romanian regime drew unfavorable world opinion and came under increasing attack from the global press.[56] In June 1988, 50,000 people protested in Budapest because the thousands of villages proposed for destruction by the Romanian Government included 1,500 ethnic Hungarian ones.[57] That demonstration, taking place on 27 June, was the largest organized in Hungary after 1956.[58] The plan was also criticised by leading members of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party. In retaliation for the 27 June protest rally held in Budapest, Ceaușescu closed the Hungarian consulate in Cluj.[59] To address these issues, and to comply with Mikhail Gorbachev's request, Károly Grósz met with Ceaușescu in Arad on 28 August 1988. The talks were fruitless, with Ceaușescu unwilling to concede or compromise on any point. He simply used the fact that talks were being held at all as a means to win time and regain some of his lost credibility. The meeting was seen in Hungary as a capitulation of the country's national interests and significantly damaged Grósz's own prestige.[60]

Opération Villages Roumains

[edit]

The scale of the potential destruction caused an international outcry to such an extent that it led to the creation of organizations such as the Belgian-based Opération Villages Roumains, which provided for the twinning of threatened Romanian villages with Western communities. Few of the villages were actually destroyed, systematization only really succeeding in "imprinting Romania onto the consciousness of Europe".[61] Opération Villages Roumains was founded on 22 December 1988 in Brussels, being officially launched on 3 February 1989.[62] By the beginning of May 1989, Romanian villages had been adopted by 231 communes in Belgium, 95 in France, and 42 in Switzerland.[63] The Belgian effort was almost exclusively Walloon.[64] In its March 1989 session, the Council of Europe strongly condemned the liquidation of the villages, asking the authorities to cease the campaign. Shortly afterwards, in a speech broadcast by the BBC, the Prince of Wales publicly criticized this policy.[65]

See also

[edit]

Eastern bloc housing:

Bibliography

[edit]
  • Anania, Lidia; Luminea, Cecilia; Melinte, Livia; Prosan, Ana-Nina; Stoica, Lucia; and Ionescu-Ghinea, Neculai, Bisericile osândite de Ceaușescu. București 1977–1989 (1995). Editura Anastasia, Bucharest, ISBN 973-97145-4-4. In Romanian. Title means "Churches doomed by Ceaușescu". This is very much focused on churches, but along the way provides many details about systematization, especially the demolition to make way for Centrul Civic.
  • Bucica, Cristina. Legitimating Power in Capital Cities: Bucharest – Continuity Through Radical Change? (PDF), 2000.

References

[edit]
  1. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1989, Revolt Against Silence: The State of Human Rights in Romania (an Update), p. 1
  2. Darren (Norm) Longley, Tim Burford, Rough Guides UK, Jun 1, 2011, The Rough Guide to Romania, p. 85
  3. Professor David Turnock, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., Jun 28, 2013, Aspects of Independent Romania's Economic History with Particular Reference to Transition for EU Accession, p. 51
  4. Dennis Deletant, Hurst & Company, 1995, Ceaușescu and the Securitate: Coercion and Dissent in Romania, 1965-1989, p. 307
  5. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1989, Reform and Human Rights in Eastern Europe: Report Submitted to the Congress of the United States, Volume 4, p. 24
  6. Darren (Norm) Longley, Tim Burford, Rough Guides UK, Jun 1, 2011, The Rough Guide to Romania, p. 85
  7. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1989, Reform and Human Rights in Eastern Europe: Report Submitted to the Congress of the United States, Volume 4, p. 78
  8. Professor David Turnock, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., Jun 28, 2013, Aspects of Independent Romania's Economic History with Particular Reference to Transition for EU Accession, pp. 51-52
  9. U.S. International Trade Commission, 1990, U.S. Laws and U.S. and EC Trade Agreements Relating to Nonmarket Economies, Volume 1, p. 18
  10. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1995, Congressional Serial Set, Issue 14164, p. 3
  11. Carswell Company for the UNB law journal, 1994, UNB Law Journal, Volumes 43-44, p. 269
  12. George Schöpflin, Hugh Poulton, Minority Rights Group, 1990, Romania's Ethnic Hungarians, p. 23
  13. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1989, Reform and Human Rights in Eastern Europe: Report Submitted to the Congress of the United States, Volume 4, p. 53
  14. Akadémiai Kiadó, 1990, Hungarian Studies: HS., Volumes 6-7, pp. 84-85
  15. Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 1990, 1990 Trade Policy Agenda, And, 1989 Annual Report of the President of the United States on the Trade Agreements Program, p. 60
  16. Dennis Deletant, Center for Romanian Studies, 1999, Romania Under Communist Rule, p. 148
  17. Stephen Sisa, Vista Books, 1990, The Spirit of Hungary: A Panorama of Hungarian History and Culture, p. 193
  18. Dennis Deletant, Mihail E. Ionescu, Politeia-SNSPA, 2004, Romania and the Warsaw Pact, 1955-1989: Selected Documents, p. 42
  19. "Rural population (% of total population) - Romania | Data".
  20. Stephen Sisa, Vista Books, 1990, The Spirit of Hungary: A Panorama of Hungarian History and Culture, p. 193
  21. Janet Fleischman, U.S. Helsinki Watch Committee, 1989, Destroying Ethnic Identity: The Hungarians of Romania, p. 49
  22. Darren (Norm) Longley, Tim Burford, Rough Guides UK, Jun 1, 2011, The Rough Guide to Romania, p. 85
  23. Professor David Turnock, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 28 iun. 2013, Aspects of Independent Romania's Economic History with Particular Reference to Transition for EU Accession, p. 56
  24. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1989, Reform and Human Rights in Eastern Europe: Report Submitted to the Congress of the United States, Volume 4, p. 78
  25. U.S. Government Printing Office, 1989, Revolt Against Silence: The State of Human Rights in Romania (an Update), p. 2
  26. Ian Jeffries, Routledge, Feb 7, 2002, Eastern Europe at the Turn of the Twenty-First Century: A Guide to the Economies in Transition, p. 341
  27. Professor David Turnock, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 28 iun. 2013, Aspects of Independent Romania's Economic History with Particular Reference to Transition for EU Accession, p. 53
  28. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 3 (1st paragraph)
  29. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 3 (2nd paragraph)
  30. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 6
  31. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 6
  32. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 8
  33. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 6
  34. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 8
  35. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, pp. 6-7
  36. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 7
  37. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 7
  38. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 8
  39. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 8
  40. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 7
  41. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 7
  42. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 6
  43. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 8
  44. Professor David Turnock, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 28 iun. 2013, Aspects of Independent Romania's Economic History with Particular Reference to Transition for EU Accession, p. 56
  45. DECRET nr. 366 din 9 decembrie 1981 (in Romanian)
  46. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 5
  47. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 6
  48. Radio Free Europe, 1989, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 14, Issues 22-26, p. 8
  49. Radio Free Europe, 1988, Radio Free Europe Research, Volume 13, Issues 26-30
  50. Dennis Deletant, Hurst & Company, 1995, Ceauşescu and the Securitate: Coercion and Dissent in Romania, 1965-1989, p. 315
  51. Professor David Turnock, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., Jun 28, 2013, Aspects of Independent Romania's Economic History with Particular Reference to Transition for EU Accession, p. 56
  52. LEGE nr. 220 din 28 noiembrie 2000 (in Romanian)
  53. LEGE nr. 415 din 29 decembrie 2005 (in Romanian)
  54. LEGE nr. 414 din 29 decembrie 2005 (in Romanian)
  55. "Iasi - Prezentare Generala". www.monumenteiasi.ro. Archived from the original on 3 April 2013. Retrieved 19 October 2016.
  56. George Schöpflin, Hugh Poulton, Minority Rights Group, 1990, Romania's Ethnic Hungarians, p. 23
  57. Europa Publications, 2007, Central and South-Eastern Europe, p. 303
  58. The Service, 1990, Daily Report: East Europe, Issues 222-231, p. 65
  59. John B. Allcock, Longman Group, 1992, Border and Territorial Disputes, p. 116
  60. Ignác Romsics, Corvina, 1999, Hungary in the Twentieth Century, p. 430
  61. Peter Siani-Davies, Andrea Deletant, Mary Siani-Davies, Clio Press, 1998, Romania, p. 20
  62. Union of International Associations, K. G. Saur Verlag GmbH, 2004, Yearbook of International Organizations 2004/2005, p. 2277
  63. Dennis Deletant, Mihail E. Ionescu, Politeia-SNSPA, 2004, Romania and the Warsaw Pact, 1955-1989: Selected Documents, p. 43
  64. Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1989, Official Journal of the European Communities: Debates of the European Parliament, Issues 374-377, p. 221
  65. Susana Andea, Romanian Cultural Institute, 2006, History of Romania: Compendium, p. 665