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U.S. policy towards authoritarianism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Photograph of United States President Jimmy Carter meeting with Iranian Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi at the White House on November 15, 1977
U.S. President Jimmy Carter meeting with Iranian Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi at the White House in November 1977

Throughout its history and up to the present day, the United States has had close ties with authoritarian governments.[1][2] During the Cold War, the U.S. backed anti-communist governments that were authoritarian, and were often unable or unwilling to promote modernization.[3] U.S. officials have been accused of collaborating with oppressive and anti-democratic governments to secure their military bases in Central America, Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The Economist Democracy Index classifies many of the forty-five currently non-democratic U.S. military base host countries as "authoritarian governments".[4]

During the Cold War, the U.S. provided support for state terrorism and anti-communist mass killings, including Operation Condor in South America and the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66.[5][6] In cases like the 1953 Iranian, 1954 Guatemalan, and 1973 Chilean coup d'états, the United States participated in the overthrow of democratically elected governments in favor of dictators who aligned with the United States. The U.S.' claimed justification for support of authoritarian right-wing governments was the resulting stability that would facilitate economic progress and the idea that democratic institutions could be encouraged and built.[4] Some critical scholars and journalists argue that it was intended to reinforce American business interests and to expand capitalism into countries of the Global South who were attempting to pursue alternative paths.[5][7][8]

Background

[edit]

During the Cold War, leaders of developing countries received political and economic benefits, such as financial support and military assistance, in exchange for their alliance with either the United States or the Soviet Union. As a result, some dictators amassed fortunes at the expense of their nations and were able to maintain their rule by building substantial militaries. The Soviet Union and the United States gained access to markets for their manufactured goods, and locations for their military bases and missile stations. According to Chirico, the two superpowers supplied weapons to dictators, which strengthened their armies and helped quell uprisings.[9] According to a 2017 blogpost by anthropologist David Vine, the U.S. often rationalized the siting of its military bases in non-democratic nations as a necessary but undesirable product of defending against the communist threat posed by the Soviet Union. Few of these bases have been abandoned since the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union.[10]

In The Jakarta Method, Vincent Bevins writes that the Cold War violence of the United States, in particular coups and the propping up of pro-capitalist military despots throughout the Global South, has deeply shaped the world we live in today, a "worldwide capitalist order with the United States as its leading military power and center of cultural production." Much of this violence was not directed against governments and movements aligned with the Soviet Union, but the Third World movements which were attempting to build something different, and thereby "destroyed a number of alternative possibilities for world development." He argues that contrary to the popular notion that much of the developing world peacefully and willingly adopted the capitalist system advocated by the United States and its allies, it's possible that without this violence, "many of these countries would not be capitalist at all," or at the very least would have banded together to "insist on changing the rules of global capitalism."[5]

Ruth J Blakeley argues that the U.S. justification given for facilitating state terrorism and coups and installing military dictators, the containment and defeat of Communism, paints a distorted picture as it was also a means by which to buttress the interests of US business elites and to promote the expansion of capitalism and neoliberalism in the Global South.[7]

Mark Aarons posits that right-wing authoritarian regimes and dictatorships backed by Western powers committed atrocities and mass killings that rival the Communist world.[6] According to Latin Americanist John Henry Coatsworth, the number of repression victims in Latin America alone far surpassed that of the U.S.S.R. and its East European satellites between 1960 and 1990.[11][12]

Examples

[edit]

The U.S. government provided military, logistical and other aid to the Chinese government led by Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang (KMT) in its civil war against the indigenous Chinese Communist Party (CCP) led by Mao Zedong. Both the KMT and the CCP were fighting against invading Japanese forces, until the Japanese surrender to the United States in August 1945. This surrender brought to an end the Japanese Puppet state of Manchukuo and the Japanese-dominated Wang Jingwei regime.[13]

After the Japanese surrender, the US continued to support the KMT against the CCP. The US airlifted many KMT troops from central China to Manchuria. Approximately 50,000 U.S. troops were sent to guard strategic sites in Hubei and Shandong. The U.S. trained and equipped KMT troops, and also transported Korean troops and even former Imperial Japanese Army troops back to help KMT forces fight, and ultimately lose, against the People's Liberation Army.[14][better source needed] In his memoirs, President Harry Truman justified deploying Japanese troops against the CCP: "It was perfectly clear to us that if we told the Japanese to lay down their arms immediately and march to the seaboard, the entire country would be taken over by the Communists. We therefore had to take the unusual step of using the enemy as a garrison until we could airlift Chinese National troops to South China and send Marines to guard the seaports."[15][non-primary source needed] Within less than two years after the Second Sino-Japanese War, the KMT had received $4.43 billion from the United States—most of which was military aid.[14][16]

After World War II, the United States was in opposition to the Soviet Union, which it regarded as totalitarian and expansionist. During the U.S.'s global effort to organize the Western Bloc and oppose communist expansion, the People's Republic of China was also seen as an expansionist, totalitarian dictatorship.[17]

In the Middle East, Asia, Latin America and Africa, the U.S. supported authoritarian governments such as those of the Shah of Iran, Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines, the Somoza dynasty of Nicaragua, Fulgencio Batista of Cuba, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, and Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia.[3]

American diplomat Henry Kissinger initiated the U.S.'s arms-for-petrodollars program for the autocratic governments of Saudi Arabia and pre-1979 Iran, supported coups and death squads throughout Latin America, and supported Indonesian dictator and close U.S. ally Suharto. Jeane Kirkpatrick, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations (U.N.) under President Ronald Reagan, was praised for her open support of pro-Western and right-wing oppressors including the Shah of Iran and Nicaragua's military dictator Anastasio Somoza, both of whom "were positively friendly to the U.S., sending their sons and others to be educated in our universities, voting with us in the United Nations, and regularly supporting American interests and positions even when these entailed personal and political cost".[18]

Nigerian political scientist Claude Ake stated that while the U.S. continued to present itself as the leader of the free world in the 1990s, it sold more weapons to developing countries than all other arms traders combined. According to U.S. Representative Cynthia McKinney and Senator John Kerry; "[d]espite rhetorical pledges to promote democracy and constrain the spread of weaponry worldwide, the Clinton administration has continued the Cold War and Bush administration policy of providing substantial amounts of weapons and training to the armed forces of non-democratic governments".[a][19] In a 1997 report, Demilitarization for Democracy (DFD) said while democratic governments received 18 percent ($8 billion), non-democratic governments received 82 percent ($36 billion) of the $44.0 billion in arms and training provided to countries with U.S. Government approval during Bill Clinton's first four years in office. The authors concluded; "[t]he United States is increasingly dependent on the developing nations to keep its high share of the global arms market".[19]

After International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former defense minister, Yoav Gallant, over suspected war crimes in Gaza, American politicians have threatened to impose sanctions on officials at the ICC.[20]

Table of authoritarian governments supported by the United States

[edit]
Country Regime or leader Time period See also or notes Ref
Argentina National Reorganization Process 1976–1978, 1981–1982 Argentina–United States relations
Azerbaijan Various 1991–present United States–Azerbaijan relations
Uruguay Civic-military dictatorship of Uruguay 1973–1985 Operation Condor, Dan Mitrione
Brazil Getúlio Vargas 1937–1945 Brazil–United States relations [21]
Brazil Military dictatorship in Brazil 1964–1985 Brazil–United States relations
Bolivia René Barrientos 1964–1969 Bolivia–United States relations [22]
Bolivia Hugo Banzer 1971–1978 [22]
Chile Military dictatorship of Chile 1973–1976 Chile–United States relations
Nicaragua Somoza dictatorship 1961–1977 Nicaragua–United States relations
Greece Greek Junta 1967–1974 Greece–United States relations [23]
Pakistan Mohammed Ayub Khan 1958–1969 Pakistan–United States relations

The authoritarian regime of Ayub Khan was backed by the United States as a bulwark against the influence of the Soviet Union in South Asia. Henry Kissinger, a powerful US diplomat, was wary of the left-wing sympathies of the Indian government, and exploited the historic tension between Pakistan and India for American interests.
Yahya Khan 1969–1971
Zia-ul-Haq 1978–1988
Cambodia Khmer Republican Party 1970–1975 Cambodia–United States relations [24][25]
China Deng Xiaoping 1980–1989 China–United States relations. In 1980 the US government opened listening posts in Xinjiang to monitor the Soviet Union during the Soviet–Afghan War. After the 1989 Tiananmen square massacre, the US imposed an arms embargo on China. [26]
Cuba Gerardo Machado 1925–1933 Dictator supported by the United States until his removal with the involvement of Franklin D. Roosevelt. [27][28]
Cuba Fulgencio Batista 1952–1958 Cuba–United States relations. The US government has been accused of supporting Batista's 1952 coup to become president again and his subsequent government to remain in control Cuba. The US has rejected these arguments. [29]
Cameroon Ahmadou Ahidjo, Paul Biya 1966–present Cameroon–United States relations [30][31]
Uganda Yoweri Museveni 1986–present Uganda–United States relations [32]
Dominican Republic Rafael Trujillo 1930–1960 The United States supported Trujillo's dictatorship until facilitating a coup that overthrew his regime in 1961. [33][34]
Laos Phoui Sananikone, Phoumi Nosavan,Souvanna Phouma 1954–1975 United States–Laos relations
Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 1953–1979 1953 Iranian coup d'état
Iran Ruhollah Khomeini 1981–1986 The United States gave arms to Iran in secrecy during the Iran-Contra affair. This was done to contain both sides economically and militarily. [35]
Iraq Abdul Salam Arif, Abdul Rahman Arif 1963–1967 Iraq–United States relations [36]
Iraq Saddam Hussein 1982–1988 Iraq–United States relations and United States support for Iraq during the Iran–Iraq War. The U.S. military provided aid and support to Saddam Hussein's troops at the request of the then U.S. government. The US later fought Saddam Hussein's Iraq in the 1990 Gulf War and ousted him in the 2003 Iraq War. [37]
Ethiopia Haile Selassie 1953–1976 Ethiopian–United States relations [38]
Ethiopia Various 1991–present [39][40]
Oman Qaboos bin Said and Haitham bin Tariq 1970–present Oman–United States relations. [41]
Thailand Phibun Songkhram, Sarit Thanarat, Thanom Kittikachorn, Praphas Charusathien 1948–1973
Libya King Idris I 1951–1969 Libya-United States relations [42]
Libya Muammar Gaddafi 2002–2011 Despite maintaining general hostility with Gaddafi following his 1969 coup, following the 9/11 attacks the two nations improved relations, with the US extraditing terrorism suspects to Libya, lifting sanctions on the country, and removing the country from the United States list of terrorism sponsors. Libya dismantled their WMDs program. This relation would fall apart with the NATO intervention in the Libyan civil war. [43][44][45]
Rwanda Paul Kagame 2000–present Rwanda–United Stares relations [46]
Kazakhstan Various 1991–present
Philippines Ferdinand Marcos 1973–1986 Philippines–United States relations. [47]
Philippines Rodrigo Duterte 2016–2022 Philippines–United States relations and United States bases in the Philippines
South Korea Syngman Rhee, Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan 1950–1988 South Korea–United States relations and Truth and Reconciliation Commission (South Korea) [48]
Yoon Suk Yeol 2022–2024 South Korea–United States relations [49][50]
South Vietnam Ngô Đình Diệm 1955–1963 The U.S. government supported President Ngo Dinh Diem throughout his time in power until Diem was assassinated in a US-backed coup. [51]
Soviet Union Joseph Stalin 1941–1945 The Soviet Union and USA formed an alliance during World War II to combat Nazi Germany. The end of the war led to the Cold War between the two superpowers. [52]
Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh 1990–2012 United States–Yemen relations. [53]
Equatorial Guinea Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo 1979–present Equatorial Guinea–United States relations [54]
Gabon Omar Bongo,
Ali Bongo,
and Brice Oligui Nguema		 1967–present Gabon–United States relations
Egypt Gamal Abdel Nasser 1952–1956 Egypt–United States relations
Egypt Hosni Mubarak 1989–2011 Egypt–United States relations [55][56]
Egypt Abdel Fattah el-Sisi 2014–present Egypt–United States relations
Turkey Kenan Evren and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan 1952–present Turkey–United States relations and Turkey in NATO
Saudi Arabia House of Saud 1945–present Saudi Arabia–United States relations
Qatar House of Thani 1971–present Qatar–United States relations
Bahrain House of Khalifa 1971–present Bahrain–United States relations
United Arab Emirates Royal families of the United Arab Emirates 1971–present United Arab Emirates–United States relations
Indonesia Suharto 1967–1998 Indonesia–United States relations

Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66
Taiwan Dang Guo regime 1937–1987 Taiwan–United States relations and White Terror (Taiwan)
El Salvador Military dictatorship in El Salvador 1931–1979 El Salvador–United States relations and Salvadoran Civil War
Paraguay Dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner 1954–1989 Archives of Terror
Guatemala Manuel Estrada Cabrera 1898–1920 [57][58]
Guatemala Jorge Ubico 1931–1944 [59]
Guatemala Military governments 1954–1996 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état and Guatemalan Civil War
Haiti Duvalier dynasty 1957–1986 Haiti–United States relations and Haitian National Truth and Justice Commission
Jordan House of Hashim 1994–present Jordan–United States relations
Senegal Léopold Sédar Senghor 1960–1980 Senegal–United States relations
Kingdom of Yugoslavia King Peter II 1941–1943 United States–Yugoslavia relations [60]
Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito 1948–1980 [61][62]
Zaire Mobutu Sese Seko 1965–1997 CIA activities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo [63]
Democratic Republic of the Congo Laurent Kabila, Joseph Kabila, Félix Tshisekedi 1997–present
Venezuela Juan Vicente Gómez 1908–1935 United States–Venezuelan relations [64]
Venezuela Marcos Pérez Jiménez 1948–1958 [65]
Venezuela Delcy Rodríguez 2026–present Following the abduction of Nicolas Maduro, Rodríguez has maintained economic collaboration and sharing of intelligence with Donald Trump's administration. [66][67]
Honduras Tiburcio Carías Andino 1933–1949 Honduras–United States relations [68]
Honduras Various 1963–1982 [69]
Sudan Gaafar Nimeiry 1976–1985 Sudan–United States relations [70]
Chad Hissène Habré, Idriss Déby, Mahamat Déby 1982–present CIA activities in Chad [71][72]
El Salvador Nayib Bukele 2024–present El Salvador–United States relations and foreign prisoners at the Terrorism Confinement Center [73][74][75]
Spain Francisco Franco 1953–1975 Pact of Madrid
Portugal António de Oliveira Salazar 1949–1974 Estado Novo and North Atlantic Treaty
Panama Omar Torrijos 1968–1981 United States–Panama relations [76]
Panama Manuel Noriega 1983–1988 Noriega, a military officer with connections to the Central Intelligence Agency, and maintained a cooperative relationship between the US and Panama from 1983 to 1988. The relationship deteriorated in the late 1980s, and resulted in the United States forcibly removing him from power in the United States invasion of Panama in 1989. [77]
Peru Manuel Odría 1948–1956 United States–Peru relations [78]
Peru Alberto Fujimori 1992–2000 [79]
South Africa Apartheid 1948–1994 South Africa–United States relations and History of South Africa (1948–1994)
India Narendra Modi 2014–present India–United States relations [80][81]
Singapore Various 1965–present
Turkmenistan Various 1991–present
Tunisia Zine El Abidine Ben Ali 1987–2011 [82][83]
Vietnam Various 1994–present United States–Vietnam relations [84]
Somalia Siad Barre 1978–1990 Somalia–United States relations [85]
Syria Husni al-Za'im 1949 Syria–United States relations
Syria Bashar al-Assad 2001–2005 The Syrian government provided the US government with intel on al-Qaeda following the 9/11 attacks. The US transferred several terrorism suspects to Syria, where they were tortured. [86][87]
Kyrgyzstan Various 1991–present Kyrgyzstan–United States relations [88]
Uzbekistan Various 1992–present Uzbekistan–United States relations [89][90]
Romania Nicolae Ceaușescu 1969–1989 Romania–United States relations [91][92]
Liberia Samuel Doe 1980–1989 Liberia–United States relations [93]
Tajikistan Various 1997–present Tajikistan–United States relations [94][95]
Morocco Various 1956–present Morocco–United States relations [96]
Djibouti Ismaïl Omar Guelleh 1999–present Djibouti–United States relations [97]
Brunei Hassanal Bolkiah 1984–present Brunei–United States relations [98]
Mexico Porfirio Díaz 1876–1911 Mexico–United States relations [99]
Mexico Institutional Revolutionary Party 1929–2000 [100]

Rationale

[edit]

According to Los Angeles Times, American authorities believe assisting authoritarian or "friendly" governments benefits the U.S. and other nations.[101] According to Glenn Greenwald, the strategic justification for American support of dictatorships has remained constant even before and since World War II:

In a world where anti-American sentiment is prevalent, democracy often produces leaders who impede rather than serve U.S. interests ... None of this is remotely controversial or even debatable. U.S. support for tyrants has largely been conducted out in the open, and has been expressly defended and affirmed for decades by the most mainstream and influential U.S. policy experts and media outlets.[18]

In her essay "Dictatorships and Double Standards", Kirkpatrick says although the U.S. should encourage democracy, it should be understood premature reforms may cause a backlash that could give communists an opportunity to take over. For this reason, she considered it legitimate to support non-communist dictatorships, saying a successful, sustainable democratic process is likely to be a long-term process in many cases in the Third World. The essence of the Kirkpatrick Doctrine is the use of selective methods to advance democracy and contain the wave of communism.[102][103]

David Vine believe locating military bases in repressive nations is critical to deterring "bad actors" and advancing U.S. interests.[10] According to Andrew Yeo, foreign bases contribute to the general good by ensuring security or financial stability, and support local economies by creating jobs.[104] Bradley Bowman, a former professor at the United States Military Academy, said these facilities and the forces stationed there serve as a "major catalyst for anti-Americanism and radicalization". Other studies have found a link between the presence of the U.S. bases and al-Qaeda recruitment. Opponents of repressive governments often cite these bases to provoke anger, protest, and nationalistic fervor against the ruling class and the U.S. This, according to JoAnn Chirico, raises concerns in Washington a democratic transition could lead to the closure of bases, which often encourages the U.S. to extend its support for authoritarian leaders. This study[which?] says the outcome could be an intensifying cycle of protest and repression supported by the U.S, according to David Vine.[10]

Dwight D. Eisenhower discussed the "campaign of hatred against us" in the Arab world "not by the governments but by the people". The Wall Street Journal reached a similar conclusion after surveying the views of wealthy and Western Muslims after September 11 attacks.[105] The head of the Council of Foreign Relations terrorism program[who?] said that American support for repressive regimes such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia is a major factor in anti-American sentiment in the Arab world.[106]

According to Afoaku, the Cold War provided much justification for U.S. arms transfers to developing countries in the 1970s and 1980s. Proponents of the traditional paradigm[clarification needed] assumed a rapid decline in U.S. arms and training transfers to these countries after the collapse of the Soviet Union. U.S. arms transfers have doubled to an average of $15 billion per year, 85 percent of which has gone to non-democratic governments since 1990. This doubling of arms transfers, in the absence of a compelling strategic rationale, was the result of determined, costly lobbying by arms manufacturers, who wanted to replace their small U.S. military orders with foreign orders. The Aerospace Industries Association (AIA), a Washington, D.C.-based association representing more than 50 major manufacturers, coordinated the lobbying and successfully pressured President Bush to approve the sale of F-15E fighter jets to Saudi Arabia. As a result of Israel's agreement to the contract, it also received the F-14E. AIA companies have succeeded in subverting U.S. policy of linking arms sales to human-rights improvements.[107]

According to an April 2025 survey, known as Bright Line Watch, of more than 500 U.S.-based political scientists shows that the vast majority think the United States is moving from liberal democracy to a form of authoritarianism.[108]

See also

[edit]

Footnotes

[edit]
  1. ↑ Cynthia McKinney and John Kerry, Foreword: The Arms Transfer Code of Conduct, in Demilitarization for Democracy, Dictators or Democracies?: U.S. Transfers of Weapons and Military Training to the DEVELOPING World During President Clinton's First Term, Third Annual Edition, (Washington D.C., 1997), pp. I-ii.

References

[edit]
  1. ↑ Schmitz, David F. (1999). Thank God They're on Our Side: The United States and Right-wing Dictatorships, 1921–1965. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-4773-2. (review)
  2. ↑ "Loving Dictators Is as American as Apple Pie". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved April 2, 2023.
  3. 1 2 Afoaku 2000, p. 13.
  4. 1 2 Chirico 2014, pp. 70–71.
  5. 1 2 3 Bevins 2020, pp. 238–243.
  6. 1 2 Mark Aarons (2007). "Justice Betrayed: Post-1945 Responses to Genocide." In David A. Blumenthal and Timothy L. H. McCormack (eds). The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance? (International Humanitarian Law). Archived 2016-01-05 at the Wayback Machine Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 9004156917 pp. 71 & 80–81
  7. 1 2 Blakeley 2009, pp. 20–22, 85–96.
  8. ↑ Hickel, Jason (2018). The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and its Solutions. Windmill Books. p. 140. ISBN 978-1786090034. If we dig behind the rhetoric, it becomes clear that Western support for right-wing coups had little to do with Cold War ideology, and certainly nothing to do with promoting democracy (quite the opposite!); the goal, rather, was to defend Western economic interests. The veil of the Cold War has obscured this blunt fact from view.
  9. ↑ Chirico 2014, p. 70.
  10. 1 2 3 Vine 2017.
  11. ↑ Coatsworth, John Henry (2012). "The Cold War in Central America, 1975–1991". In Leffler, Melvyn P.; Westad, Odd Arne (eds.). The Cambridge History of the Cold War. Vol. 3. Cambridge University Press. p. 230. ISBN 978-1107602311.
  12. ↑ Bevins 2020, p. 228.
  13. ↑ Ferris, John; Mawdsley, Evan (2015). The Cambridge History of the Second World War, Volume I: Fighting the War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  14. 1 2 Nguyễn Anh Thái; Nguyễn Quốc Hùng; Vũ Ngọc Oanh; Trần Thị Vinh; Đặng Thanh Toán; Đỗ Thanh Bình (2002). Lịch sử thế giới hiện đại (in Vietnamese). Ho Chi Minh City: Giáo Dục Publisher. pp. 320–322. 8934980082317.
  15. ↑ Harry S. Truman, "Memoirs, Vol. Two: Years of Trial and Hope," 1946–1953 (Great Britain 1956), p. 66
  16. ↑ p. 23, U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II, William Blum, Zed Books 2004 London.
  17. ↑ Bundy, William P. (1975). "Dictatorships and American Foreign Policy". Foreign Affairs. 54 (1). Council on Foreign Relations: 55. doi:10.2307/20039554. JSTOR 20039554.
  18. 1 2 Greenwald 2017.
  19. 1 2 Afoaku 2000, pp. 31–32.
  20. ↑ "'Appalling': ICC president says threats, sanctions put court in jeopardy". Al-Jazeera. December 2, 2024.
  21. ↑ McCann, Frank D. (1973). The Brazilian-American Alliance, 1937-1945. Vol. 1520. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-61880-7.
  22. 1 2 Young, Kevin A. (August 1, 2022). "Our Social Conquests Will Be Respected: Peasants and Military Dictatorship in Cochabamba, Bolivia". Hispanic American Historical Review. 102 (3): 481–512. doi:10.1215/00182168-9798304. ISSN 0018-2168.
  23. ↑ "The Poly-Papadopoulos Archived December 13, 2008, at the Wayback Machine". Time. 3 April 1972. Archived from the original Archived December 13, 2008, at the Wayback Machine on 13 December 2008. Many democratic-minded Greeks resent the open U.S. support of the Papadopoulos dictatorship. Last month Washington gave further evidence of its acceptance of his regime by negotiating for home-port rights in the bays near Athens for the Mediterranean-based Sixth Fleet. In addition, the Nixon Administration is trying to persuade Congress to up military aid to Greece from about $90 million to $118 million.
  24. ↑ Chan, Sucheng, "Cambodians in the United States: Refugees, Immigrants, American Ethnic Minority", in Dailey, Jane (ed.), Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History, Oxford University Press, p. 0, ISBN 978-0-19-785121-0, retrieved July 12, 2026
  25. ↑ Benzaquen-Gautier, Stéphanie (October 2, 2021). "The relational archive of the Khmer Republic (1970–1975): re-visiting the 'coup' and the 'civil war' in Cambodia through written sources". South East Asia Research. 29 (4): 450–468. doi:10.1080/0967828X.2021.1989987. ISSN 0967-828X.
  26. ↑ "US-China relations in 1980s". koreatimes. August 20, 2019. Retrieved November 26, 2024.
  27. ↑ Benjamin, Jules R. (February 1, 1975). "The Machadato and Cuban Nationalism, 1928-1932". Hispanic American Historical Review. 55 (1): 66–91. doi:10.1215/00182168-55.1.66. ISSN 0018-2168.
  28. ↑ Hartman, Joseph R. (2016). Modern Dreams: Building Machado's Cuba, 1925-1933 (PhD thesis). Southern Methodist University.{{cite thesis}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  29. ↑ Thomas, Hugh (1987). "Cuba: The United States and Batista, 1952-58". World Affairs. 149 (4): 169–175. ISSN 0043-8200. JSTOR 20672109.
  30. ↑ Amin, Julius (October 29, 2021). "Equality, Non-Interference, and Sovereignty: President Ahmadou Ahidjo and the Making of Cameroon-U.S. Relations". African Studies Review. 64: 1–28. doi:10.1017/asr.2021.75.
  31. ↑ Harkness, Kristen A (November 2, 2022). "Security force assistance to Cameroon: how building enclave units deepens autocracy". International Affairs. 98 (6): 2099–2117. doi:10.1093/ia/iiac215. ISSN 0020-5850.
  32. ↑ Fisher, Jonathan; Anderson, David M. (January 1, 2015). "Authoritarianism and the securitization of development in Africa". International Affairs. 91 (1): 131–151. doi:10.1111/1468-2346.12190. ISSN 0020-5850.
  33. ↑ Roorda, Eric Paul (1998). The Dictator Next Door: The Good Neighbor Policy and the Trujillo Regime in the Dominican Republic, 1930-1945. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-2234-4.
  34. ↑ Fatalski, Marcin (December 29, 2013). "The United States and the Fall of the Trujillo Regime". Ad Americam. 14: 7–18. doi:10.12797/AdAmericam.14.2013.14.01.
  35. ↑ Simbar, Reza (2006). "Iran and the US: Engagement or Confrontation". Journal of International and Area Studies. 13 (1): 73–87.
  36. ↑ Stein, Ewan, ed. (2021), "Conclusion", International Relations in the Middle East: Hegemonic Strategies and Regional Order, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 209–220, ISBN 978-1-107-18189-2, retrieved July 12, 2026
  37. ↑ Aid, Shane Harris and Matthew M. (October 16, 2024). "Exclusive: CIA Files Prove America Helped Saddam as He Gassed Iran". Foreign Policy. Retrieved October 14, 2024.
  38. ↑ Lawson, Letitia (January 1, 2007). "U.S. Africa Policy Since the Cold War". Strategic Insights: 15.
  39. ↑ Jalata, Asafa (March 2010). "The Ethiopian State: Authoritarianism, Violence and Clandestine Genocide". The Journal of Pan African Studies. 3 (6): 1–32.
  40. ↑ Anteneh, Getachew (July 21, 2025). "Ethiopia-U.S. Diplomatic Ties in Post :2018 Diplomatic Rift and Efforts of Reengagement and Normalization". Ethiopian Journal of Strategic and International Affairs (EJSIA). 2: 39–56. doi:10.63990/ejsia.v2i1.12077.
  41. ↑ "5 dictators the U.S. Still supports". The Week. February 3, 2011.
  42. ↑ Karayam, Hasan (September 16, 2024). Libyan American Relations 1951-1969 (Thesis).
  43. ↑ Mariner, Joanne (August 31, 2011). "When Qaddafi Was Our Friend". verdict.justia.com. Retrieved July 12, 2026.
  44. ↑ Sawani, Youssef (December 27, 2014). "The United States and Libya: Turbulent History and Uncertain Future". e-ir.
  45. ↑ Nmoma, Veronica (2009). "Power and Force: Libya's Relations with the United States". Journal of Third World Studies. 26 (2): 137–159. ISSN 8755-3449.
  46. ↑ Ripert, Yohann C. (June 2021). "Decolonizing Diplomacy: Senghor, Kennedy, and the Practice of Ideological Resistance". African Studies Review. 64 (2): 292–314. doi:10.1017/asr.2020.91. ISSN 0002-0206.
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  108. ↑ "Hundreds of scholars say U.S. is swiftly heading toward authoritarianism". NPR. April 22, 2025.

Bibliography

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