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// Workers AI · dad joke modeWhat did the Tipu rebellion tip? The scales.

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(Redirected from Tipu Revolt)

Tipu rebellion
Night Scene from the Inquisition
Date1638
Location
Southern Bacalar district

17°27′29″N 88°37′44″W / 17.458°N 88.629°W / 17.458; -88.629
Caused bySpanish extortion and mistreatment
GoalsTo escape Spanish impositions
Methods
  • Maya flight from reduccion settlements
  • torching
  • threat of force
Result
  • Spanish lose effective control in southern Bacalar
  • Maya gain de facto autonomy in southern Bacalar
Parties
Lead figures
  • Luis Sánchez de Aguilar[iv]
  • Diego Zapata de Cárdenas[v]
  • Gregorio Marín de Aguilar[vi]
  • Francisco Sánchez de la Seña[vii]
  • Cristóbal Delgado[viii]
  • Bartolomé Gómez de Santoyo[viii]
  • Juan Martín de los Cedros[ix]
Number
c. 300 Maya households
  • c. 50 Spanish vecinos
  • < 150 Maya households
Casualties and losses
Death1 Franciscan friar (of illness)
Injuries
  • 9 to 10 Maya people (tortured)
  • > 80 Maya children and adults (flogged)
Arrested9 to 10 Maya people
Damage3 to 8 reduccion settlements (torched)
Detained
  • > 80 Maya children and adults
  • 2 Franciscan friars and 1 Maya guide

The Tipu rebellion[x] was a successful and widespread revolt by Maya residents of the southern portion of the Bacalar district, in what is now Belize, in 1638. The uprising avoided open hostilities, and rather involved the mass desertion of Spanish reduccion settlements by their Maya inhabitants, with coordination by Tipu, the principal reduccion town in southern Bacalar. It followed decades of deteriorationg relations between the Maya and Spanish of the district, part of broader tensions between the same across Spanish Yucatan, due to increasingly-vexing civil and religious impositions on the former. The rebellion is thought to have been backed by the yet-unconquered Peten Itza kingdom, Tipu's neighbours to the west, and resulted in de facto Maya self-rule and loss of Spanish dominion in southern Bacalar, a state of affairs which lasted until the 1690s, when the rebel Maya acceded to Spanish authority during the conquest of Peten.[4]

Background

[edit]
Bacalar district prior to the rebellion (mid-16th century)

In the early 17th century, relations between the Maya and the Spanish in Yucatan seemingly began to fray. Tensions reached a fever pitch in the 1620s, when Maya residents (or authorities) of Nojpeten and Sacalum each independently massacred (or summarily executed) a number of Spanish soldiers and clergymen, along with their Maya porters and guides, both in 1623.[6] According to Mayanist Grant D. Jones, this was significant because "not since 1546 had execution as a tool of rebellion on such a large scale been seen in Yucatan".[5]

The Bacalar district, in the south-eastern portion of the peninsula, escaped such outright violence, but not the strain between its Maya and Spanish residents, particularly in the southern half of the district, which had formerly been the Dzuluinicob province, and was now subject to rule by the cabildo in the northern Bacalar villa. In 1619, Franciscan friars Juan de Orbita and Bartolomé de Fuensalida found that the Maya of Tipu (the Tipuans), Bacalar's principal visita and reduccion settlement to the south, had reverted to "idolatry" (Maya polytheism), and so dispensed swift "justice" by destroying the discovered "idols" (religious effigies).[8] This insult was followed by a punishing tax hike in 1622, when the district's encomiendas were reconsolidated,[9] and by the imposition of a secular priest, Gregorio Marín de Aguilar, who arrived to reside in Tipu in 1632.[10]

In 1637, having had enough of Marín and the vecinos of Bacalar, Tipu sent emissaries to the defensor de naturales[xi] for Spanish Yucatan in Merida, to report the same for mistreatment and extortion.[12] Upon receiving the defensor's report and recommendations, governor Diego Zapata de Cárdenas relieved Marín of his post, reprimanded the cabildo of Bacalar, and despatched two investigadores[xii] to follow up on the extortion allegations.[13] When said officials reached the villa, though, they were swiftly detained whilst the vecinos built impromptu gallows in the main plaza, apparently to hang the former to death.[11] Happily, the frazzled investigadores managed to make their escape, but the harrowing incident convinced Zapata to desist from attempting to curb the vecinos' alleged extortion.[11]

That same year, whilst the Tipuan emissaries were still in Merida, Zapata was informed by Bacalar that nearly all of Tipu had rebelled against the Spanish crown by illicitly deserting their reduccion town.[14] The governor sent the envoys back home, to urge the Maya to return to Tipu as lawfully required, or face "grave consequences".[14] In response, the batab of Tipu advised the governor, in 1637 or 1638, that residents had fled for fear that an armed entrada[xiii] from Bacalar was imminent, and that the authorities (himself, his lieutenant, an alcalde) remained in town, and would endeavour to entice runaways to return.[15]

Distal causes

[edit]
Maya chilams' prophecies for k'atun 1 ahaw may have partly motivated the rebellion (Chilam Balam excerpt pictured)

In addition to increasing Maya discontent with the Spanish, the early 17th century also ushered in a new k'atun, and possibly an uptick in local piracy, either of which may have aggravated the said unease in the Bacalar district.

The sixth k'atun of the Short Count, k'atun 1 ahaw,[xiv] which began on 6 June 1638,[18] had been prophesied as a time of natural disasters and rebellion by Maya chilams.[19] In the extant Chilam Balam of Chumayel, the esoteric prophecy for said k'atun is read by scholars as alluding, literally or metaphorically, to "fire and hurricane rains" or "a parching whirlwind storm", and to a "great war" waged to the north (possibly up to Tihosuco[20]) by the Chans (a ch'ibal or 'noble house' of Peten Itza[21]) and their allies.[26]

As with prophecy, the contribution of piracy to unrest in Bacalar is difficult to ascertain, though Jones notes that "increasing depredations ... certainly would have stimulated coastal Mayas to seek refuge in interior locations around Tipu".[28] By the early 17th century, the district's residents would have been well-acquainted with the dangers of coastal living in the inner Bay of Honduras (raids),[33] as said waters had been haunted by sea rovers since the mid-16th century. And in the 1630s, the bay became even more attractive to the British and Dutch pirates, due to a sharp spike in Spanish demand for illicit trade with them.[40]

Rebellion

[edit]
Lamanai (reduccion settlement on the New River) was deserted and torched during the rebellion (Classic ruins pictured)

At some uncertain point before September 1638, the Maya of Tipu apparently set out to recruit participants for a widespread rebellion, visiting a number of reduccion or encomienda settlements in their vicinity in the southern Bacalar.[41] On 20 September, alcalde Luís Sánchez de Aguilar informed Zapata of said programme, adding that the Tipuans had advised recruits that "they were to give obedience to their king and [that they] wished them to abandon their town, saying that if they did not do so all would die and be finished, because at such a time the Itzas would come to kill them and there would be many deaths, and hurricanes would flood the land".[24] That is, Tipu seemingly pressed their neighbours to swear allegiance to the Kan Ek' of Peten Itza, and to forsake the posts assigned to them by the Spanish in favour of an outpost (Tipu) both farther from Bacalar's oppressive reach and closer to Peten Itza's defensive range. Moreover, they seem to have appended their call to action with threats of force of arms or calamity, likely made credible by Peten Itza's stature, close relations between Tipu and said kingdom, and chilams' prophecies for the coming k'atun.

However they managed it, the Tipuan campaign proved effective, as in his 20 September letter to Zapata, Sanchez reported that a quarter of Maya residents in the district's south had illicitly abandoned their assigned villages.[42] And by 5 November, a little under 200 of Bacalar's approximately 300 Maya tributaries (families or households in encomienda) had likewise fled to Tipu.[43]

That same September, upon discovering that the coastal reduccion hamlets of Chinam, Manan, and Zacatan had been deserted, Sanchez, with the procurador and 16 vecinos, set out to capture the escaped residents. They located all runaways from Manan, but only four from Chinam and none from Zacatan. The escapees were first imprisoned and flogged in the villa (despite assurances to the contrary), then forcibly resettled in Tamalcab, on a caye just off Lake Bacalar in the upper Chetumal Bay, thus situating them closer to the Spanish than before.[44] By the month's end, the cabildo and vecinos, with Maya aides from San Juan de Extramuros (reduccion suburb just outside Bacalar villa), were attempting to resettle Pacha, Yumpeten, Soite, Manan, and Xibun, all of which had likewise been deserted.[45] By the year's end, though, their response had apparently been too little or come too late, as on 5 November, Sanchez reported that they had had little success, adding that "right now the Indians are very bellicose".[45]

Meanwhile, from Merida, Zapata supplied the Spanish in Bacalar with gunpowder and ammunition for their reduccion efforts, but declined the cabildo's request for reinforcements,[42] possibly because he did not wish to breach existing royal policy, which favoured intercession by clergy over force of arms to address non-violent revolts by Amerindian subjects.[46] The governor, then, petitioned the Franciscans in the city to despatch three or four friars to the district, but these would not set out until 1642, and like the cabildo, would also fail to quell the uprising.[42]

Aftermath

[edit]
Bacalar district after the rebellion (mid-17th century prior to villa's relocation)

Notice of the rebellion spread across Spanish Yucatan within the year. By February 1639, a secular cleric in Sotuta reported that "news has come from Bacalar that those few towns [reduccion settlements in the district] had been going to the forests, encouraged and deceived by those barbarous infidels of the Tah Itzaes [of Tah Itza], becoming one with them, as a result of which Bacalar will become more deserted and short of people."[50] That year, Zapata and the ecclesiastic cabildo of Merida directed secular cleric Ambrosio de Figueroa to make his way south to assuage the Maya. Figueroa first sent runners down to Tipu, to announce himself and his peaceable intent, "but the rebels made fun of [his messengers] and threatened to kill them if they came back", thus bringing his mission to an early close, though Tipu indicated that they would meet with Franciscan friars, on the condition that the current secular priest of Bacalar be relieved by a Franciscan one.[51]

Accordingly, Zapata and the bishop of Merida despatched the Franciscan friars Bartolomé de Fuensalida, Juan de Estrada, Bartolomé de Becerril, and Martín Tejero, on 24 April 1641, with 500 pesos for a six-month reduccion, and instructions to replace Bacalar's secular priest.[51] The friars reached the villa soon, and there determined that Fuensalida and Estrada continue on to Tipu, that Becerril resettle deserted villages on the coast, and that Tejero remain behind to fill in as parish priest.[51]

Fuensalida and Estrada, with 21 Maya carriers and guides, never made it to Tipu, however, despite their best endeavours.[52] By June, the friars had reached Zaczuz, a former reduccion settlement (now deserted), and the last stop on the overland route from Bacalar to Tipu (via the New and Old rivers).[52] As per custom, they here requested permission to continue on to Tipu, but to their surprise, were soundly rebuffed, and could not manage to negotiate their way to a friendly reception.[52] On 2 July, they were instead led to Hubelna, an unauthorised hamlet of former Zaczuz residents.[52] The next day, authorities from Tipu and Peten Itza, with an armed entourage, met the friars there and made it clear to them that they were most unwelcome in Tipu, whereupon Fuensalida and Estrada were escorted back onto the course to Bacalar.[54] Once in the villa, Fuensalida promptly reported their failure, advising Zapata that a militant reduccion was now the only viable option to quell the revolt.[55] The governor recalled the Franciscan friars and took no further action, citing a lack of authority to sanction an armed entrada[xiii] to southern Bacalar.[56]

Becerril had better luck on the shores of southern Bacalar, as he and Tejero managed to resettle four reduccion villages on the Sittee, the Monkey River, and an unidentified caye known to them as Zula.[58] According to Jones, this warmer reception may have been due to residents' cultural remove from Tipuans, or to the coast's geographic remove from Tipu.[60] Whatever the reason, though, the friars' luck was short-lived, as piratical raids in 1641 and 1642 convinced the resettled Maya to once again take flight and move farther inland.[61]

By early 1643, the Spanish counted eight of Bacalar's reduccion settlements (totalling some 300 Maya households) as being in rebellion (still resettled near Tipu), leaving only six reduccion settlements (totalling under 150 Maya households) under encomienda in the district.[65]

Legacy

[edit]
Cogolludo's Historia de Yucathan offered the first notice of the rebellion in print (relevant passage pictured)

In mid-1652, the villa of Bacalar, and those reduccion settlements that still remained under their rule, were removed from the upper Chetumal Bay and relocated north to Pacha, and then moved even further inland, up to Chunhuhub, in the 1660s.[68] The villa would not return to its original site on Lake Bacalar until early 1727, during Spanish efforts to stamp out the Bay settlement,[72] whilst the district's former reduccion settlements (Tipu and revolt participants) would not again accede to Spanish authority until mid-1695, during events leading up to the fall of Nojpeten.[76]

Diego López de Cogolludo first brought the Tipu rebellion to wide notice in his Historia de Yucathan, published in 1688.[79] The cronista de Indias reported, "The Indians of this area had been quiet up until the period that I am going to describe, in which, because of our sins or some other reason that only God knows, He permitted the uprising of the Indians of Bacalar and all the areas under its jurisdiction. Even today, in 1656, they have not returned to the obedience that they owe the church and the king. By 1636 they began to cause problems, with some of them leaving their towns, along with some of this province, going to the forests of Tipu, which ... are the closest to the gentile Itzas. This continued until 1638, when they completely refused to obey God and the king, horribly rejecting our holy faith".[81]

The rebellion was also noted in a manuscript by Francisco de Cárdenas Valencia, written in 1639 and first published in 1937, and most thoroughly explored in Jones's Maya Resistance to Spanish Rule, published in 1989.[84] The latter author notes that Bacalar's extant historical record is poor and gappy, though, leaving quite a few details regarding the rebellion and its aftermath unclear.[85]

See also

[edit]

Notes and references

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. 1 2 Name unknown or missing.
  2. 1 2 3 4 A batab ('mayor'; cacique to the Spanish).
  3. ↑ A war captain.
  4. 1 2 An alcalde.
  5. ↑ Governor of Spanish Yucatan.
  6. ↑ A secular priest.
  7. ↑ An alférez mayor.
  8. 1 2 A regidor (member of a cabildo).
  9. ↑ A scribe.
  10. ↑ Also Tipuj for Tipu. Also revolt or uprising for rebellion.
  11. ↑ An office akin to protector de indios.
  12. ↑ Authorised to investigate alleged offences, and to charge, prosecute, try, and sentence offenders.
  13. 1 2 A sort of Spanish military expedition.
  14. ↑ Also anglicised as Katun 1 Ahau.
  1. ↑ Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980, pp. 41a–44a.
  2. ↑ Lehmann 2018, sec. 2.1, 3.
  3. ↑ Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980, pp. 4, 385–386.
  4. ↑ The Yucatec Maya orthography in this article follows that of [1]. At least two other orthographic systems exist,[2] neither of which is used here. Accordingly, k'atun and ahaw are preferred over their variants.[3]
  5. 1 2 Jones 1989, p. 187.
  6. ↑ In [5]. Latter in Rebelión de Sacalum [es].
  7. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 18–19, 148–149.
  8. ↑ In [7]. The friars were en route to Peten Itza.
  9. 1 2 3 Jones 1989, p. 191.
  10. ↑ Jones 1989, p. 321, item no. 30.
  11. 1 2 3 4 5 Jones 1989, p. 205.
  12. ↑ In [11]. But on 10 Jul 1638, Zapata reported "that ever since he had been in office [appointed 17 May 1636] he had received petitions from the defensor de naturales on behalf of the Indians of the villa of Bacalar complaining about its Spaniards, mulattos, and mestizos [who often] extorted the Indians".[11]
  13. ↑ In [11]. Despatched by 10 July 1638.
  14. 1 2 3 Jones 1989, pp. 205–206.
  15. ↑ In [14]. Tipu apparently responded "with great submission".
  16. ↑ Sharer & Traxler 2006, pp. 779–783.
  17. ↑ Sharer & Traxler 2006, pp. 779–784.
  18. ↑ In [16]. Count of thirteen k'atuns, for 1539 to 1796. Its k'atuns were (in order):[17]
    1. k'atun 11 ahaw from 13 Nov 1539 to 30 Jul 1559
    2. k'atun 9 ahaw from 31 Jul 1559
    3. k'atun 7 ahaw from 18 Apr 1579
    4. k'atun 5 ahaw from 2 Jan 1599
    5. k'atun 3 ahaw from 19 Sep 1618
    6. k'atun 1 ahaw from 6 Jun 1638
    7. k'atun 12 ahaw from 21 Feb 1658
    8. k'atun 10 ahaw from 8 Nov 1677
    9. k'atun 8 ahaw from 26 Jul 1697
    10. k'atun 6 ahaw from 13 Apr 1717
    11. k'atun 4 ahaw from 29 Dec 1736
    12. k'atun 2 ahaw from 15 Oct 1756
    13. k'atun 13 ahaw from 2 Jun 1776 to 17 Feb 1796
  19. ↑ Jones 1989, p. 190.
  20. ↑ Edmonson & Hoíl 1986, pp. 208, footnote no. 4789.
  21. 1 2 3 Jones 1989, p. 319, item no. 2.
  22. ↑ Roys & Hoíl 1967, pp. xxx, 157.
  23. ↑ Edmonson & Hoíl 1986, pp. 208, 213.
  24. 1 2 Jones 1989, pp. 189, 319.
  25. ↑ Edmonson & Hoíl 1986, pp. 213, footnote no. 4944.
  26. ↑ In [22] [21]: "Katun 1 Ahau ... This shall be the end of its prophecy: there is a great war. The Chan shall rise up in war with the five divisions of Chakan, an army of Chan in Katun 1 Ahau. A parching whirlwind storm is the charge of the katun". In [23] [24]: "Katun 1 Ahau / ... / And that will be the ending of words: / The great war. / Risen will be the Chan / And the Tihosuco plain, / Who will fight / The Chan War / Of the 1 Ahau / Katun. / Fires / And hurricane rains are the burden of the katun". Chakan as in a Peten Itza ch'ibal,[21] or as in plain.[25]
  27. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 191–192.
  28. ↑ In [27]: "Complicating our understanding of the period [1638–1642] are the poorly understood effects of increasing depredations of foreign pirates along the eastern coasts [of Yucatan], which certainly would have stimulated coastal Mayas to seek refuge in interior locations around Tipu. These depredations, in combination with independence movements at Tipu, had devastating implications for the villa of Bacalar".
  29. 1 2 García Paláez 1852, pp. 122–126.
  30. ↑ Bialuschewski 2017, pp. 41–63.
  31. ↑ Bialuschewski 2020, p. 239.
  32. ↑ Jones 1989, p. 320, item no. 19.
  33. ↑ In [29][30][31]. Dangers included raids for provisions, for slaves, impressment, or kidnapping for ransom for some Spanish, as in 1617, when a British crew raided Bacalar and abducted four vecinos.[32]
  34. ↑ MacLeod 1973, pp. 358–359, 462.
  35. ↑ Zahedieh 1986, pp. 216–217.
  36. ↑ Obando Andrade 2016, pp. 12–16.
  37. ↑ Cardona Amaya 2020, pp. 31–33, 45–48, 112–114.
  38. ↑ Newton 1914, p. 263.
  39. ↑ Jones 1989, p. 289, footnote no. 59.
  40. ↑ In [34][35][36][29]. Pirates sighted in the bay in 1637 and 1638.[37][38][39]
  41. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 189, 210.
  42. 1 2 3 Jones 1989, p. 206.
  43. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 206, 321.
  44. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 208–209.
  45. 1 2 Jones 1989, p. 209.
  46. ↑ Jones 1989, p. 213.
  47. ↑ Cárdenas Valencia 1937, p. 97.
  48. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 209–210, 214.
  49. ↑ Adams 1945, pp. 21, 26–27.
  50. ↑ In [47][48][49]. By Francisco de Cárdenas Valencia sometime in 8 Feb 1638 to 15 Feb 1639.
  51. 1 2 3 Jones 1989, pp. 214–215.
  52. 1 2 3 4 5 Jones 1989, pp. 216–222.
  53. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 217–222.
  54. ↑ In [52]. Itinerary in [53] (chronologically in May or June to July 1641):
    • Former Chantome: Friars reach "the hamlet where Chantome had been" (cacao orchard on the Belize River, southwest of New River Lagoon), and are met by Pedro Noh (batab of Holpatin, ally of Tipu) and his party (batab's sons, six former Holpatin residents), all of whom "were painted and had allowed their hair to grow long as a sign of their rebel state".
    • Former Chantome: Friars are gifted a wild fowl, which their Maya guides identify as a portent of war, and are guided (or escorted) to Zaczuz by Noh.
    • Zaczuz: Friars' guides are taunted (or threatened) by Noh, such that 17 of them desert, leaving four.
    • Zaczuz: Friars are hosted by Francisco Yam, batab of Zaczuz, whilst Noh negotiates their reception in Tipu.
    • Zaczuz: Friars are met by Gaspar Chuc, military captain from Tipu, and a dozen Tipuans, who inform the friars they are unwelcome in Tipu, but agree to intercede on the friars' behalf on their return.
    • Zaczuz: Friars are left stranded upon Chuc's failure (or lack of effort) to gain them a reception in Tipu, whereupon they are led to Hubelna (unauthorised settlement of former Zaczuz residents, three leagues distant, on a creek known as Yaxteel Ahau [possibly Roaring Creek]) by Yam on 2 July.
    • Hubelna: Friars spend the night in Hubelna, but Yam's guests from Tipu, and some Hubelna residents, begin "dancing and drunkenly worshiping their idols", whereupon Yam obliges Fuensalida and gathers revellers to hear the governor's and bishop's letters (promising amnesty and a sizeable tax break, but requiring submission "to the authority fo the church and the governor").
    • Hubelna: Fuensalida reads the letters aloud, but their contents are ill-received, and the audience silently trickles out towards the end.
    • Hubelna: Friars are awoken at dawn on 3 July by a war party (with Itza soldiers) who announce "May God protect you. Your time has come, grandfather" and then detain the friars, whereupon the military captain declares, "Let the governor come. Let the king come. Let the Spanish come. We are ready to fight them. Now go and tell them".
    • Hubelna: Fuensalida is recognised and threatened with death by some Itza soldiers "because he and Father Orbita had [in a prior mission to Peten Itza] destroyed the Itzas' idol Tzimin Chac ... and thereby killed their god", whereupon his guide intercedes for him but is rebutted by the Itza captain who says, "Don't fear. We don't have to kill you, but we must kill your companion [Fuensalida] because he killed our god".
    • Hubelna: Friars' possessions are searched by the war party, and their religious effigies destroyed ("saying a thousand blasphemies that are too horrible to mention as they broke" a crucifix), after which they are escorted to Zaczuz.
    • Zaczuz: Friars retreat to Bacalar.
  55. 1 2 Jones 1989, pp. 222–224.
  56. ↑ In [55]. Both Fuensalida and Estrada fell ill during their journey to Tipu. Estrada never recovered, and died in Merida in 1646.
  57. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Jones 1989, pp. 224–226.
  58. ↑ In [57]. In 1641, Becerril baptised, catechised, and settled (some) runaways from Campin in Soite and Cehake (reduccion settlements on the Sittee).[57] Tejero settled runaways from Manan in Zula (favoured by the runaways, as Manan had been prior flooded by a storm). In 1642, Tejero baptised, catechised, married, and settled 73 runaways from Campin in Campin again (reduccion settlement, possibly on the Monkey River).[57]
  59. 1 2 3 Jones 1989, p. 224.
  60. ↑ In [59]. Residents may have mostly spoken Chol or been from Manche Chol territory, whereas Tipuans mostly spoke Yucatec or Mopan or were from southern Bacalar or Mopan territory;[59] shore may have been too far for Tipu to mount any significant response.[59]
  61. ↑ In [57]. In 1641, Soite and Cehake were raided by Dutch pirates whilst Tejero was still in the area; the friar and a companion vecino were detained.[57] In 1642, Campin was sacked by pirates shortly after Tejero's departure.[57]
  62. 1 2 Jones 1989, p. 210.
  63. ↑ Jones 1989, p. 226.
  64. ↑ Jones 1989, p. 321, item no. 36.
  65. ↑ In [62]. Attributed to the governor in [62]; to the bishop in [63] [64].
  66. ↑ Gerhard 1979, p. 70.
  67. ↑ Jones 1989, p. 334, item no. 10.
  68. ↑ In [66][67].
  69. ↑ Gerhard 1979, pp. 15, 71.
  70. ↑ Vazquez Barke 2016, p. 188.
  71. ↑ Reichert 2017, p. 29.
  72. ↑ In [69][70][71].
  73. ↑ Graham 2011, pp. 251–252.
  74. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 259–267.
  75. ↑ Molina Solís 1910, p. 350.
  76. ↑ In [73][74][75].
  77. ↑ López de Cogolludo 1688, lib. 11 cap. 12.
  78. 1 2 Jones 1989, p. 204.
  79. ↑ In [77][78].
  80. ↑ López de Cogolludo 1688, p. 640.
  81. ↑ In [80][78].
  82. ↑ Adams 1945, p. 21.
  83. ↑ Jones 1989, pp. 204, 209–210.
  84. ↑ In [82][83].
  85. ↑ In [9]. As of the 1980s, no records from Bacalar during 6 Nov 1638 to 4 Mar 1643 survive (or have been discovered).[9]

References

[edit]
  1. Adams, Eleanor B. (July 1945). "Note on the Life of Francisco de Cárdenas Valencia". The Americas. 2 (1): 21–29. JSTOR 978539.
  2. Barrera Vásquez, Alfredo; Bastarrachea Manzano, Juan Ramón; Brito Sansores, William; Vermont Salas, Refugio; Dzul Góngora, David; Dzul Poot, Domingo, eds. (1980). Diccionario maya Cordemex : maya-español, español-maya (1st ed.). Mérida, Yuc.: Ediciones Cordemex. OCLC 7550928.
  3. Bialuschewski, Arne (2017). "Slaves of the Buccaneers: Mayas in Captivity in the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century". Ethnohistory. 64 (1): 41–63. doi:10.1215/00141801-3688359.
  4. Bialuschewski, Arne (2020). "Juan Gallardo: A Native American Buccaneer". Hispanic American Historical Review. 100 (2): 233–256. doi:10.1215/00182168-8178200.
  5. Cárdenas Valencia, Francisco de (1937). Relación historial eclesiástica de la provincia de Yucatán de la Nueva España, escrita el año de 1639. Biblioteca histórica mexicana de obras inéditas. Vol. 3 (1st ed.). México, Dist. Fed.: Antigua Librería Robredo, J. Porrúa e Hijos. hdl:2027/txu.059173018271330. OCLC 4660610.
  6. Cardona Amaya, José Manuel (2020). Invasiones de corsarios a la Honduras de Felipe IV (1633-1643) (1st ed.). Tegucigalpa: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras. ISBN 9789992612620.
  7. Edmonson, Munro S.; Hoíl, Juan José, eds. (1986). Heaven born Merida and its destiny : the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. The Texas Pan American series (1st ed.). Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press. hdl:2027/mdp.39015037288761. OCLC 12421934.
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  18. Newton, Arthur Percival (1914). The colonising activities of the English Puritans: the last phase of the Elizabethan struggle with Spain. Yale Historical Publications: Miscellany. Vol. 1 (1st ed.). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. hdl:2027/hvd.32044014678932. OCLC 2993127.
  19. Obando Andrade, Rafael (2016). "Zambos y negros de La Taguzgalpa: actores claves en el contrabando centroamericano. 1642-1715". Revista cuadernos del Caribe. 13 (21): 7–20.
  20. Reichert, Rafal (January–June 2017). "El golfo de Honduras: estrategias geopolíticas y militares de una frontera imperial, siglos XVI-XVIII". Tzintzun. 65: 9–40.
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  24. Vazquez Barke, Gabriela (August 2012). BACALAR EN EL SIGLO XVII: colonización y resistencia (MA). Mérida, Yuc.: Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social.
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  26. Zahedieh, Nuala (1986). "Trade, Plunder, and Economic Development in Early English Jamaica, 1655-89". Economic History Review. 39 (2): 205–222. JSTOR 2596150.
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